Suchergebnisse

"Als Teil seiner 'Social Cognitive Theory' führt Albert Bandura (z.B. 1986) einen Prozess ein, den er moralische Ablösung (moral disengagement) nennt. Er beschreibt acht verschiedene Mechanismen, durch welche Verhalten von der moralischen Selbstkontrolle des Individuums abgelöst werden kann und es so möglich wird, schädigendes Verhalten auszuüben, ohne dass das Selbst der Person negative Konsequenzen dadurch erleidet. Der vorliegende Aufsatz dient der Beschreibung der Neuentwicklung einer Messung von Moral Disengagement und erster Resultate. Damit folgt sie dem Beispiel von Studien von Grussendorf et al. (2002) und McAlister (2000, 2001), welche eine erste Skala zur Messung von Moral Disengagement berichten. Nach einer kurzen Beschreibung der acht Mechanismen des Moral Disengagement wird diese bereits bestehende Skala eingeführt und kritisiert. Die Notwendigkeit der Konstruktion einer neuen Skala, ihre Entwicklung, psychometrischen Eigenschaften und möglichen Schwächen werden diskutiert. Als ein verwandtes, aber konzeptuell verschiedenes Konzept wird die Einstellungsdimension Militarismus-Pazifismus erläutert und erste Ergebnisse bezüglich der Beziehung zwischen der neu entwickelten Skala und der Militarismus-Pazifismus-Skala von Cohrs et al. (2002) werden berichtet. Erste Anwendungen der neuen Moral Disengagement Skala werden vor allem in Hinsicht auf deren Eigenschaften dargestellt. Es folgt eine Diskussion der wesentlichen Ergebnisse und kritischer Fragen bezüglich des Konstruktes. Vorschläge für weitere Forschung werden gemacht." (Autorenreferat)

Since EU members have agreed to establish integrated military forces and to decide jointly on their deployment in European institutions, the EU's "democratic deficit" is no longer confined to issues of common market governance but also includes foreign, security and defense politics. Drawing on recent debates in peace and conflict research, I will argue that a democratic deficit in European security and defense politics is not only worrying for its own sake but also because a growing body of literature regards the democratic control of security and defense politics as the best guarantee to maintain peaceful and cooperative relations with other states.

For over a hundred years, the 8th of March marks the feminist day of struggle, nowadays still mainly celebrated as International Women's Day. Although we have come far, the sole reference to 'women' is problematic since it reproduces a gender binary that excludes anyone that does not identify with the sex assigned to them at birth, i.e., transgender (in short: trans) and non-binary individuals. This tends to undermine and even deny the day's aim to fight sexism and misogyny in all its forms. Perhaps a good way to counter this trend is to incorporate trans and non-binary perspectives systematically into peace and conflict research.

Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und ergänzt die aktuelle Diskussion über die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erläutern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarität, Internationalität und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung für interdisziplinäre und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch für die Politikberatung ist. Zukünftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen berücksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu stärken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises "Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. ; This article reflects on and adds to the ongoing discussion of the German Science Council's recommendations for the further development of peace and conflict research. We focus on the gaps in empirical-analytical research methodology identified by the German Science Council and elaborate how they affect interdisciplinary cooperation, international visibility and policy-oriented research within the German peace and conflict research community. We follow the analysis of the Science Council's report and argue that a diversified training in as well as knowledge of empirical research methodology is of central importance for interdisciplinary and international cooperation as well as comprehensive policy-oriented research. Future initiatives within the peace and conflict research community should strive to reflect the methodological diversity of our research community and put a ...

In this paper, the perspectives of (Critical) Migration Research and (Critical) Peace and Conflict Research on migration are discussed, compared and combined with the goal of proposing a "Peace Logical Migration Research" ("Friedenslogische Migrationsforschung").

The purpose of this article is to compare three approaches to conflict, those of the 'strategist', the 'conflict researcher' and the 'peace researcher'. Strategic studies, our starting point, are usually seen exclusively within the framework of power politics and the manipulation of threat systems. This approach to conflict is clearly of great importance, especially as it is the one most frequently adopted by decision-makers. It is not, however, the only possible approach, and the lineage of each of the three approaches can be traced back to antiquity.

The discussions of the Uppsala symposium on Mediation in June 2010 highlighted a number of issues novel either to researchers or to practitioners. The meeting was organized around eight such themes. In short, the discussions showed that there are selections effects which makes the evaluation of success in mediation very difficult (more difficult conflicts get more mediation attempts), and that a biased mediator or mediation mandating actor is not always negative. If a conflict is about the control of government or of a particular territory, this affects the mediation approach as well as the durability of the outcome and the following peacebuilding efforts. Mediation styles vary and may sometimes create, for instance, cultural problems for a mediator. Mandates can be constraining for the mediator, but also solve some problems in mediation. Building fruitful relations between researchers, practitioners and policy makers can generate more resources for mediation. The proliferation of mediation efforts in the same conflict raises new issues of coordination and involves the dangers of negative competition. External shocks are seldom considered in the literature, but may provide breakthroughs for mediations as well as ending such efforts. Outcomes of mediation are not only equal to reaching an agreement. The long-term peacebuilding effects of mediation provides for new challenges to mediation research and practice where the researchers may appear not only to be constructive collaborators for practitioners, but also turn into 'myth busters'. This report puts some meat to these one-liners.