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In: South Asian peace studies v. 2
The second volume in the South Asian Peace Studies series, Peace Processes and Peace Accords looks at the political question of peace from three perspectives: the process of peace; the contentious issues involved in the peace process; and the ideologies that come in conflict in this process. Arguing that peace is not a one-time event to be achieved and rejoiced over but a matter to be sustained against various odds, the contributors show that the sustainability of peace depends on a foundation of rights, justice and democracy. Peace accords, they maintain, are only a moment in the process-the
In: Peace matters, Heft 48, S. 10-11
ISSN: 1350-3006
In: International journal of peace studies, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 1-16
ISSN: 1085-7494
World Affairs Online
"Peace is a phrase that is often used but vaguely understood. Conventional thought considers peace as a condition that shares a dialectical relationship with war, albeit devoid of a separate nature of its own. Upon closer examination, peace has a pragmatic quality and the potential to be a separate element of statecraft, not simply the absence, termination, or continuation of war. This paper examines peace at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels. It does so by addressing three central questions: First, how is peace defined and what is its nature? Is it a natural condition or an artificially constructed one? Second, does it differ at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels? And third, can peace stand on its own as a means of policy relative to diplomacy and war? In essence, can peace be waged? Research reveals that a complex paradigmatic change in statecraft must occur in order to employ peace as a "shaping" and sustaining action. Further inquiry is required to fully understand its potential as a tool, one similar to "soft power." This paper contains recommendations for the continued development of this concept."--P. v. ; "June 2009." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 11-13) ; "Peace is a phrase that is often used but vaguely understood. Conventional thought considers peace as a condition that shares a dialectical relationship with war, albeit devoid of a separate nature of its own. Upon closer examination, peace has a pragmatic quality and the potential to be a separate element of statecraft, not simply the absence, termination, or continuation of war. This paper examines peace at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels. It does so by addressing three central questions: First, how is peace defined and what is its nature? Is it a natural condition or an artificially constructed one? Second, does it differ at the individual, collective, and inter-collective levels? And third, can peace stand on its own as a means of policy relative to diplomacy and war? In essence, can peace be waged? Research reveals that a complex paradigmatic change in statecraft must occur in order to employ peace as a "shaping" and sustaining action. Further inquiry is required to fully understand its potential as a tool, one similar to "soft power." This paper contains recommendations for the continued development of this concept."--P. v. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Contributions to Conflict Management, Peace Economics and Development, 16
Over the last three decades, a considerable amount of work has been conducted in the field of peace studies, conflict management, peace science in economics, sociology, anthropology and management. This volume presents up-to-date, cutting-edge research by respected scholars with an emphasis on theoretical and mathematical constructs in the area of peace economics & peace science.
In: International journal on world peace, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 86-88
ISSN: 0742-3640
Suggests that the May 2006 Darfur peace agreement may do little more than obscure the ongoing violence, destruction, displacement, & rape. Three key issues underlying the fragility of the agreement are discussed: the good faith of the Sudan government, the tribal & ethnic character of the insurgencies, & the role of peacekeeping forces where there is no peace.
In: The Transformation of Peace, S. 202-230
In: Peace matters, Heft 28, S. 14-16
ISSN: 1350-3006
In: Peace research reviews, Band 15, Heft 6, S. 38-39
ISSN: 0553-4283
In: The Palestine report, Band 5, Heft 18, S. 16
ISSN: 0260-2350
In: Peace research: the Canadian journal of peace and conflict studies, Band 44/45, Heft 2/1, S. 163-192
ISSN: 0008-4697
In: Radical philosophy: a journal of socialist and feminist philosophy, Heft 159, S. 8-17
ISSN: 0300-211X
In: Conflict management and peace science: the official journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 31, Heft 2, S. 193-217
ISSN: 1549-9219
The article debunks the conception that peace agreements are all equal. Distinct from the conventional monocausal assessment, I view the peace agreement as a cohesive whole and evaluate its strength in terms of its structural and procedural provisions. I use data on the length of intrastate peace episodes during the period from 1946 to 2010. My key finding is that the design quality of the peace agreement has a significant impact on the durability of peace. Agreements that are carefully designed to deal with all obstacles to cooperation have the strongest pacifying effect among armed conflict outcomes. The article sets forth ways to sharpen the performance of conflict management operations in war-torn countries.
In: The Whitehead journal of diplomacy and international relations, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 61-72
ISSN: 1538-6589
The purpose of this study of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is to examine the impact of economic incentives on the transformation of protracted conflicts. While economic growth can certainly provide motivations for peace by creating a virtuous cycle, as I argue below; reliance on economic growth faces two problems. First, the incentive of economic growth does not appeal equally to all people, so fundamentalist groups may prefer territorial stakes over promised prosperity & thus possibly seek to derail the process. &, second, economic growth might not distribute its benefits equally, leaving some groups alienated from the process &, consequently, making the process vulnerable to derailment without the support of these groups. Figures. Adapted from the source document.