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There are two passages in the Book of Revelation where the author evokes the subject of peace (Rev 1:4; 6:4) and, through analysis, we can detect semantic connections between them. God is presented as the source and owner of peace, offering it to human beings (Rev 1:4). Then again, God also allows the second horseman, after the breaking of the seal, to take peace from the earth (Rev 6:4). The union between peace and love/mercy is dependent upon receiving charis from God (Rev 6:4), the result being peace in the world and in the human heart. It implies the need to love one another, with the lack of it leading to hostility (Rev 6:4). The author strengthened that reflection by a series of sensory depictions of peace, in Rev 7:15b-17 and Rev 21:1–22:5, where peace is manifested as an internal experience. On a personal level, the emphasis lies on the value of an individual's decision to turn to God and thus receive the blessings of peace. ; Autor natchniony Apokalipsy św. Jana dwukrotnie przywołuje pojęcie pokoju – w Ap 1,4 i 6,4. Analiza ukazuje istniejące między tymi fragmentami powiązania semantyczne. Bóg zostaje przedstawiony jako posiadający i oferujący pokój człowiekowi, jak również dopuszczający usunięcie go z ziemi. Powiązanie pokoju z miłością uzależnia jego posiadanie od przyjęcia Bożej charis (Ap 1,4), a zarazem lokując go na pozycji owocu takiej relacji wskazuje, że tam, gdzie nie ma pokoju nie będzie też miłości ofiarowywanej drugiemu człowiekowi, a jedynie wrogość (Ap 6,4). Autor natchniony wzmacnia przekonanie dotyczące wagi pokoju wprowadzając obrazy Ap 7,15b-17; Ap 21,1-22,5, które swoją sensorycznością kreują w odbiorcy doświadczenie. Personalizm odniesień podkreśla wagę ludzkiej decyzji w przyjęciu/podjęciu/zwróceniu się do Boga o ten dar.

The motif of "covenant of peace", as found in some Ancient Near Eastern texts, is presented in the Hebrew Bible by the Priestly tradition. Ezekiel refers to the covenant of peace in two oracles: Ezek 34:35-30 and 37:26-28. He not only goes beyond the primeval myth but also modifies the Priestly concept as expressed in Lev 26. Ezekiel's promise of the covenant of peace consists of three elements: safety from wild animals, security against famine, and freedom from human enemies. However, the essence of this covenant is peace understood as God's presence amongst his people, which is the only source of the people's safety, welfare and salvation. ; Idea przymierza pokoju, występująca w tekstach starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu, w Biblii Hebrajskiej pojawia się w tekstach pochodzenia kapłańskiego. Ezechiel w dwóch wyroczniach (Ez 34,25-30 i 37,26-28) wykracza poza pozabiblijną konwencję przymierza pokoju, dokonując równocześnie modyfikacji kapłańskiej koncepcji przymierza zawartej w Kpł 26. Obietnica jakościowo nowego przymierza, określonego mianem "przymierza pokoju" (34,25; 37,26), zakłada pokój ze zwierzętami, urodzajność ziemi i wybawienie od nieprzyjaciół. Jednakże istotą tego przymierza jest nie tyle "pokój" rozumiany jako wszelkie dobro osobiste, wspólnotowe i materialne, ile obecność Boga pośród swego ludu, która stanowi jedyne źródło bezpieczeństwa, pomyślności i zbawienia.

Rozwiązywanie konfliktów i dążenie do ustanowienia trwałego pokoju jest jednym z nadrzędnych celów Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Przez lata angażowała się ona w działalność na rzecz budowania pokoju. Do chwili powstania Komisji Budowania Pokoju w 2006 r. żadna część systemu ONZ nie była bezpośrednio odpowiedzialna za pomoc krajom w okresie pokonfliktowym i w dążeniach do budowania trwałego pokoju. Komisja Budowania Pokoju pozwoliła wypełnić tę lukę przez zapewnienie instytucjonalnego i systematycznego połączenia między utrzymywaniem pokoju, operacjami pokonfliktowymi oraz międzynarodową siecią pomocy i działaniami darczyńców, w tym Banku Światowego. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie funkcjonowania Komisji Budowania Pokoju: zasady jej działania, skład oraz zadania jej postawione. Po przedstawieniu strony normatywnej pokrótce opisano konkretne przypadki zaangażowania Komisji. Podjęto też próbę odpowiedzi na tytułowe pytanie – czy działalność Komisji to sukces czy porażka oraz jakie czynniki mają wpływ na sprawne i skuteczne działanie Komisji Budowania Pokoju. ; Resolving conflicts and achieving durable peace is one of the main goals of the United Nations (UN). For many years the UN has been engaged in peace building efforts. Until the creation of the Peace Building Commission in 2006, however, no part of the UN system had been directly responsible for assistance to States in the post-conflict reality or in the efforts aimed at achieving durable peace. The Peace Building Commission managed to fill in this vacuum through systematic and institutional links between peace keeping, post-conflict operations and international network of assistance as well as activities undertaken by donors, including the World Bank. The aim of this article is to present the functioning of the UN Peace Building Commission: its rules of procedure, composition and the tasks is has been given. First, the normative aspect will be delineated, followed by brief characteristics of concrete cases in which the Commission has been engaged. Based on that analysis, the question whether the work of the Commission has been a success of a failure will be examined and an attempt will be made to determine factors that condition effective work of the Peace Building Commission.

This thesis is a result of a careful thought on what peace is and what its essential features, aims and necessary conditions are. I have proposed a notion that inner peace of individuals making up a given community (especially of leadership elites) is conducive to collective safety, while significant disturbance of the inner peace of a certain group of individuals results in a global unrest, often on an international scale. In an attempt to approach the subject in a comprehensive manner I justified that inner peace of individuals leads to global inner and outer peace. I also conducted lexical analyses aimed at identifying identical, synonymous and antonymous terms with the word, "peace". I indicated the main reasons for war and the conditions for keeping peace, emphasizing the significance of pedagogics in the prophylaxis of war and in the spreading of the culture of peace. I also proposed a classification of philosophical and pedagogical attitudes of intellectuals devoting their efforts to the concept of peace throughout the history of humankind and in the world of today. I presented argumentation confirming the assumption that the culture of peace results from a certain upbringing process based on a democratic existence of parents with their child. My praxeological propositions include the educational and prophylactic function of biographies of individuals commonly recognized as promoters of peace. I also provided an outline of the upbringing programs aimed at children and the youth, and serving the role of strengthening peace and public safety.

The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes. ; The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes.

War and peace have perpetually alternated in history. Consequently, peace has always been seen as an endless project, even a dream, to be in brotherhood realized by all members of international community. Since the XVII century the elimination of war and armed conflict has been a political and humanitarian objective of all nations in the world. Both the League of Nations and the United Nations were conceived with the spirit of eliminating the risk of war through the promotion of peace, cooperation and solidarity among Nations. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the subsequent human rights instruments were drafted with a sincere aspiration of promoting the value of peace and human rights worldwide. International practice shows the close linkage between the disregard of human rights and the existence of war and armed conflict. It follows that the role of human rights in the prevention of war and armed conflict is very important. Since 2008 the Human Rights Council has been working on the "Promotion of the right of peoples to peace." Pursuant resolutions 20/15 and 23/16 and 27/17 the Council decided firstly to establish, and secondly and thirdly to extend the mandate of the open-ended working group (OEWG) aimed at progressively negotiating a draft United Nations declaration on the right to peace. The OEGW welcomed in its second session (July 2014) the approach of the Chairperson- Rapporteur, which is basically based on the relationship between the right to life and human rights, peace and development. Consequently, this approach could be developed during the third session of the Working Group (April 2015). At its 8th meeting, on 24 April 2015, the Group adopted the draft report on its third session ad referendum and decided to entrust the Chairperson- Rapporteur with its finalization. ; Wojna i pokój stale zmieniały bieg historii. W konsekwencji, pokój postrzegany był jako marzenie, niedokończony projekt, możliwy do osiągnięcia jedynie dzięki braterstwu wszystkich członków społecznoœci międzynarodowej. Od XVII wieku eliminacja wojny i konfliktów zbrojnych była politycznym i humanitarnym celem wszystkich narodów. Zarówno Liga Narodów, jaki Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych powołane zostały w dążeniu do wyeliminowania ryzyka konfliktów przez promocję pokoju, współpracy i solidarnoœci między narodami. Powszechna Deklaracja Praw Człowieka i kolejne międzynarodowe akty prawne gwarantujące ochronę praw człowieka, przyjęte zostały jako wyraz dążenia do promowania wartoœci podstawowych, za jakie uznano pokój i prawa człowieka. Praktyka międzynarodowa pokazuje zależność między naruszaniem praw człowieka a pojawianiem się wojen i konfliktów zbrojnych. Jasnym jest więc, że w zapobieganiu konfliktom zbrojnym istotne znaczenie ma ciągłe podkreślanie wagi praw człowieka. Od 2008 r. Rada Praw Człowieka ONZ podejmuje prace nad promocją prawa człowieka do pokoju. W myœl rezolucji 20/15, 23/16 i 27/17 Rada zdecydowała o ustanowieniu, a następnie o rozszerzeniu mandatu grupy roboczej (tzw. OEWG), której aktywność skierowana jest na opracowanie projektu deklaracji w prawie prawa do pokoju. Podczas drugiej sesji w lipcu 2014 r. eksperci zaakceptowali propozycję Przewodniczącego, wskazującą na związek między prawem do życia, prawami człowieka, pokojem i rozwojem. To podejœcie zostało rozwinięte podczas trzeciej sesji grupy roboczej w kwietniu 2015 r.

Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa. ; Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

The aim of the article is to systemically analyse the associations of war and the morality of community. Recently military conflicts became more frequent all over the world. It is noticed that military conflicts have the tendency to repeat and to gain chain reaction, when the wave of war affects many countries. General level of human aggressiveness has influence for the beginning of war. But the presidents of the countries with psychopathic personalities are at the starting point of the war. They possess the power and transfer their personal negative features to a conflict with another country. This is the reason why electing a president is such a responsible act, when society must pay attention not only to the election programme, but also to candidate's morality and hierarchy of values. We have to remember that peace begins in our minds and all of us are responsible for peace in our country and all over the world.

The aim of the article is to systemically analyse the associations of war and the morality of community. Recently military conflicts became more frequent all over the world. It is noticed that military conflicts have the tendency to repeat and to gain chain reaction, when the wave of war affects many countries. General level of human aggressiveness has influence for the beginning of war. But the presidents of the countries with psychopathic personalities are at the starting point of the war. They possess the power and transfer their personal negative features to a conflict with another country. This is the reason why electing a president is such a responsible act, when society must pay attention not only to the election programme, but also to candidate's morality and hierarchy of values. We have to remember that peace begins in our minds and all of us are responsible for peace in our country and all over the world.

The article presents the political, social, ethnical and economic situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina 15 years after the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The agreement offi cially fi nished the war in this country. The goal of this article is to describe the complexity of the internal situation and the problems of the construction of a stable and independent state. The article discusses an extremely complicated political system, that was imposed in the peace agreement, which alongside with different political businesses of three constitutional nations is leading to the decision-making paralysis and makes stable ruling is making impossible. The role of the High Representative UN/EU was also described. The role is to coordinate the activity of international community and is indeed exercising the sovereign power in the state contributing to therecognition that Bosnia, although is an independent and sovereign state, actually became an international protectorate. Various opinions about the effectiveness of the High Representative and the legitimacy of taken actions were presented. The fact that (between 1992–2004) NATO forces (executing military missions) and (from 2004) European forces (executing civil-military missions) stationed in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not without meaning. The author is also paying attention to the fact that a complicated and strained ethnic situation is a source of stagnation in BiH and individual constitutional nations have completely different expectations and political businesses which is making impossible to form a civil nation (national) and is still jeopardizing the state's territorial integrity.

A few years ago, veteran employment was associated in the United States with the charity. Today both public administration and many private companies are willing to assist former soldiers. Within the next five years, about one million soldiers will have to leave the armed forces because of the planned partial withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan and defense cuts. Most of them will find employment, however, a significant percentage, especially the young veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will remain unemployed. Veterans affairs are crucial both for the President of the United States, the Congress and the whole American society, as they are related to the economic and social aspects of the state functioning. On the other hand, misconception about ex-combatants prevents the use of their potential and skills acquired in the military, and is not reflected in any way on the economy of the state. This situation is frustrating because veterans can be very good workers having many qualities that are desirable among employers, such as leadership skills, cooperation, loyalty and initiative.

It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial. ; It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial.