Проаналізовано позицію Католицької Церкви стосовно проблеми війни, агресії, насильства, як аморальних і неприйнятних способів вирішення міжнародних конфліктів. Досліджено запропоновані Церквою підходи до виключно мирних шляхів подолання суперечностей на міжнародній арені та ролі міжнародних організацій у налагодженні партнерських взаємовідносин між державами та побудові якісно нової системи міжнародних відносин. ; The analysis was done on the position of the Catholic Churchconcerning the problem of aggression, violence and war asimmoral and unacceptable ways of resolving internationalconflicts in the modern world. The research has analysedbasic documents of the Catholic Church, which discover war'snegative consequences for all mankind. These leads not only tothe indulgence of inalienable human rights, but also to significanthuman victims, material loses, and spiritual sacrifices. Particularattention is paid to the consideration of the internationalcommunity on the necessary and reasonable sanctions againstthe aggressor, and the provision of humanitarian assistance tocountries that have experienced military aggression. ; Проанализировано позицию Католической Церкви от-носительно проблемы войны, агрессии, насилия, как амо-ральных и недопустимых способов разрешения междуна-родных конфликтов. Исследовано предлагаемые Церковьюподходы к исключительно мирным путям преодоленияпротиворечий на международной арене и роли международ-ных организаций в восстановлении партнерских взаимоот-ношений между государствами и построении качественноновой системы международных отношений.
The analysis was done on the position of the Catholic Church concerning the problem of aggression , violence and war as immoral and unacceptable ways of resolving international conflicts in the modern world. The research has analyzed basic documents of the Catholic Church, which discover war's negative consequences for all mankind. These leads not only to the indulgence of inalienable human rights, but also to significant human victims, material loses, and spiritual sacrifices. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of the international community on the necessary and reasonable sanctions against the aggressor, and the provision of humanitarian assistance to countries that have experienced military aggression. Then, Magisterium proposals on disarmament, production ban, weapons import and export, military moral responsibility for their actions are considered. Also, possibility of using weapons is justified as a means of protection in the liberation «just war». The analysis was done on the position of the Catholic Church concerning the problem of aggression, violence and war as immoral and unacceptable ways of resolving international conflicts in the modern world. The research has analised basic documents of the Catholic Church , which discover war's negative consequences for all mankind. These leads not only to the indulgence of inalienable human rights, but also to significant human victims, material loses, and spiritual sacrifices. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of the international community on the necessary and reasonable sanctions against the aggressor, and the provision of humanitarian assistance to countries that have experienced military aggression. Then, Magisterium proposals on disarmament, production ban, weapons import and export, military moral responsibility for their actions are considered. Also, possibility of using weapons is justified as a means of protection in the liberation «just war».This particular research does analysis of the views of the Catholic Church on the role of international organizations, such as UN. Also, there is specified special role of national and global charities, and lay all people of good will in process of establishment of a qualitatively new system of international relations, which is built on the principles of morality and legality upon principle of the commonwealth. The main attention is paid to exclusively peaceful means to overcome international contradictions and conflicts, including: negotiations, respect for international agreements, repentance, reconciliation, forgiveness, respect for the integrity and sovereignty of all states, inviolability of borders, non-use of weapons and renunciation of nuclear weapons, recognizing the right of each State to own culture, recognition of inalienable human rights and respect for their dignity and honour, recognition of democratic norms of international relations. Also, there is special attention emphasized on the formation of a competent and authoritative world government, which is responsible for the peaceful coexistence of nations in the international arena. ; Проанализировано позицию Католической Церкви относительно проблемы войны, агрессии, насилия, как аморальных и недопустимых способов разрешения международных конфликтов.Исследовано предлагаемые Церковью подходы к исключительно мирным путям преодоления противоречий на международной арене и роли международных организаций в восстановлении партнерских взаимоотношений между государствами и построении качественно новой системы международных отношений ; Проаналізовано позицію Католицької Церкви стосовно проблеми війни, агресії, насильства, як аморальних і неприйнятних способів вирішення міжнародних конфліктів. Досліджено запропоновані Церквою підходи до виключно мирних шляхів подолання суперечностей на міжнародній арені та ролі міжнародних організацій у налагодженні партнерських взаємовідносин між державами та побудові якісно нової системи міжнародних відносин
У статті розкривається концепція миру в уявлені св. Августина для позитивного вирішення проблеми синхронізації колективного й індивідуального з метою збереження комунікації між іманентним і трансцендентним. Робиться висновок, що поняття "мир" в Августиновій доктрині отримало універсальний зміст завдяки своїй комплексності й кумулятивності в справі спасіння - практичного руху іманентного до трансцендентного і навпаки. Завдяки індивідуальному здобутку миру на всіх рівнях соціально-політичного й релігійного буття, pax aeterna й pax sempiterna максимально зближуються і тим ставлять людство перед Божою ласкою. ; В статье раскрывается концепция мира в воззрениях св. Августина для позитивного разрешения проблемы синхронизации коллективного и индивидуального с целью сохранения коммуникации между имманентным и трансцендентным. Делается вывод, что понятие мира в доктрине св. Августина получило универсальное содержание благодаря своей комплексности и кумулятивности в деле спасения - практичного движения имманентного к трансцендентному и наоборот. Благодаря индивидуальному завоеванию мира на всех уровнях социально-политического и религиозного бытия, pax aeterna и pax sempiterna максимально сближаются и этим ставят человечество перед Божьей благодатью. ; The article deals with the concept of peace in the Holy imagined. Augustine - the value of this concept for a positive solution to the problem of synchronization of collective and individual and maintaining communication between the immanent and transcendent. It is concluded that the concept of peace in Augustine's Christian doctrine was universal meaning through its complexity and cumulativeness towards approaching the ordo amoris and salvation - a practical movement immanent to the transcendent, and vice versa. Father of the Church interpreted peace like a multilayer condition of united harmony - unanimity individual and collective. Due to individual achievement of peace at all levels of social, political and religious life pax aeterna pax sempiterna and most are near and so bring humanity to God's grace. The point spread peace was both individual and collective responsibility, religious and moral virtues of true believers - all Respublica Christiana. Guide this case should lead the Church, which is part of the sacred nature is in pax aeterna, and so brings pax sempiterna to His plan. So peace in Avgustin's theory provides harmony and positive movement immanent to the transcendent, synchronizes broken individual sinfulness of collective harmony and provides a certain level of freedom that aims at implementing free will. No doubt Augustinian concept of peace has played in the Middle Ages and early modern key role in the development of humanity and the formation of European principles of coexistence of peoples and nations. Avgustin's doctrine of peace through practical pax Dei (they promoted the Church in the tenth to thirteenth centuries. Pacification for feudal wars and legitimized royal authority), the creative heritage of Dante and Marsyliya Padua became the foundation of modern political philosophy and the key to the future of European civilization.
У статті розкривається концепція миру в уявлені св. Августина для позитивного вирішення проблеми синхронізації колективного й індивідуального з метою збереження комунікації між іманентним і трансцендентним. Робиться висновок, що поняття "мир" в Августиновій доктрині отримало універсальний зміст завдяки своїй комплексності й кумулятивності в справі спасіння - практичного руху іманентного до трансцендентного і навпаки. Завдяки індивідуальному здобутку миру на всіх рівнях соціально-політичного й релігійного буття, pax aeterna й pax sempiterna максимально зближуються і тим ставлять людство перед Божою ласкою. ; В статье раскрывается концепция мира в воззрениях св. Августина для позитивного разрешения проблемы синхронизации коллективного и индивидуального с целью сохранения коммуникации между имманентным и трансцендентным. Делается вывод, что понятие мира в доктрине св. Августина получило универсальное содержание благодаря своей комплексности и кумулятивности в деле спасения - практичного движения имманентного к трансцендентному и наоборот. Благодаря индивидуальному завоеванию мира на всех уровнях социально-политического и религиозного бытия, pax aeterna и pax sempiterna максимально сближаются и этим ставят человечество перед Божьей благодатью. ; The article deals with the concept of peace in the Holy imagined. Augustine - the value of this concept for a positive solution to the problem of synchronization of collective and individual and maintaining communication between the immanent and transcendent. It is concluded that the concept of peace in Augustine's Christian doctrine was universal meaning through its complexity and cumulativeness towards approaching the ordo amoris and salvation - a practical movement immanent to the transcendent, and vice versa. Father of the Church interpreted peace like a multilayer condition of united harmony - unanimity individual and collective. Due to individual achievement of peace at all levels of social, political and religious life pax aeterna pax sempiterna and most are near and so bring humanity to God's grace. The point spread peace was both individual and collective responsibility, religious and moral virtues of true believers - all Respublica Christiana. Guide this case should lead the Church, which is part of the sacred nature is in pax aeterna, and so brings pax sempiterna to His plan. So peace in Avgustin's theory provides harmony and positive movement immanent to the transcendent, synchronizes broken individual sinfulness of collective harmony and provides a certain level of freedom that aims at implementing free will. No doubt Augustinian concept of peace has played in the Middle Ages and early modern key role in the development of humanity and the formation of European principles of coexistence of peoples and nations. Avgustin's doctrine of peace through practical pax Dei (they promoted the Church in the tenth to thirteenth centuries. Pacification for feudal wars and legitimized royal authority), the creative heritage of Dante and Marsyliya Padua became the foundation of modern political philosophy and the key to the future of European civilization.
Based on a multivariate analysis of the involvement of post-Soviet republics in UN and NATO peacekeeping operations, the author explores the integration of New Independent States into UN and NATO international organizations. Chronology of some peace-support and peace-enforcement operations is given. Of special focus is participation of special units of armed forces in such operations. Logical sequence of intrastate agreement on engagement of the military of independent Ukraine in international operations under the mandate of the United Nations Security Council is traced. A respective decision-making process of the Lithuanian Parliament is examined for comparison purposes. Specific laws of Ukraine, which regulate such decisions, are indicated. The author offers concrete examples and describes the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in implementation of the UN peace-support mission. The paper cites Russian legislation governing cooperation with the UN and NATO in peacekeeping operations. By the example of formation of interstate military units between Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania ('Ukrpolitbat'), the Baltic Republics (the 'Baltic Battalion') and Central Asian Republics ('Kazbat'), the author shows the initiative of post-Communism republics in preservation of peace and stability in the world. Specific examples of involvement of the armed units of such post-Soviet republics as Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kirgizia in UN international operations are given. The paper describes the operations in Kosovo (1999), the Mediterranean Sea (2001), Turkey (2003), Iraq (2004), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1996-2004) as well as Sudan (2005). Attention is drawn to reorientation of the NATO from the collective defence strategy to that of common security and execution of mostly international operations with domination of police functions, technical assistance in the postwar period and coping with technogenic catastrophes. ; В статье проанализировано участие постсоветских республик в миротворческих операциях НАТО по мандату Совета Безопасности ООН. Хронологически изложены факты непосредственного участия военных подразделений бывших советских республик в сохранении мира и стабильности. Рассмотрено украинское законодательство в сфере использования национальной армии за пределами собственной территории. Акцентировано внимание на решающей роли НАТО как основного механизма реализации миротворческих функций ООН. Подчеркнуто изменение стратегии Альянса с коллективной обороны на коллективную безопасность. ; У статті проаналізовано участь пострадянських республік у миротворчих операціях НАТО за мандатом Ради Безпеки ООН. Подана хронологія фактів безпосередньої участі військових підрозділів більшості нових країн, - колишніх радянських республік, - у збереженні миру й стабільності. Розглянуто українське законодавство у сфері використання національної армії за межами власної території. Акцентовано увагу на важливій ролі НАТО як основного механізму реалізації миротворчих функцій ООН. Підкреслено зміну стратегії Альянсу з колективної оборони на колективну безпеку.
After Gulistan peace treaty concluded in 1813 by Russia and Iran certain tension existed between two powers. It was evident that Iranians were preparing a revanche to return lost lands of Shirvan. Persian ambassador Abul Hasan Khan spent about two years in St. Petersburg negotiating postwar regulating in Caucasus region. In his turn Alexander I appointed General A.P. Yermolov a Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Iran and a viceroy of Georgia. Yermolov had to determine acceptable concessions and to act in accordance with his own decisions. He was also authorized to negotiate opening Russian missions and consulates in the north of Iran and to confirm recognition of Abbas Mirza as an heir of Iranian throne.Despite being awaited to bring Russian-Iranian relations back to normal Yermolov created new problems. For instance he refused to follow Asian etiquette and openly ignored Abbas Mirza. During negotiations in Soltaniyeh Yermolov threatened shah's representatives to invade into Azerbaijan and to achieve his goals by force. For their part Iranian officials ignored Yermolov's prepositions to conclude a military alliance against Ottoman Empire and to establish constant missions in Tiflis and Tabriz.After a month spent in Soltaniyeh Russian embassy turned back to Tabriz and then to Tiflis. In his reports to Alexander I Yermolov claimed to have performed his task successfully. In a short time he was rewarded for his diplomatic activities though in fact he failed to strengthen Russian-Iranian relations. Such a reaction to Yermolov's activities made it evident that the cabinet in St. Petersburg found it more beneficial to pursue a policy of threats and démarches than to perform a really peace-making diplomacy. Such acts were leading two powers to a new conflict which eventually began in 1826. ; Дана оценка попыткам наладить русско-иранские отношения и воплотить в жизнь условия Гюлистанского мирного договора. Охарактеризована деятельность А. П. Ермолова на должности полномочного министра в Иране. ; Дано оцінку спробам налагодити російсько-перські відносини і втілити в життя умови Гюлістанської мирної угоди. Охарактеризовано діяльність О. П. Єрмолова на посаді повноважного міністра в Ірані.
Статтю присвячено ретроспективному аналізу документів міжнародних організацій (ООН, ЮНЕСКО, ОБСЄ, Рада Європи, Європейський Союз), в яких намічено орієнтири для національних політик для збереження і розвитку багатомовності. Особливу увагу присвячено вивченню діяльності і визначенню стратегії діяльності цих інституцій в аспекті розвитку багатомовної освіти школярів у країнах Європи. Автором визначено загальні напрямки діяльності міжнародних організацій у розвитку цього педагогічного явища та окремо окреслено роль кожної з них. Статья посвящена ретроспективному анализу документов международных организаций (ООН, ЮНЕСКО, ОБСЕ, Совет Европы, Европейский Союз), в которых намечены ориентиры для национальных политик по сохранению и развитию многоязычия. Особое внимание уделено изучению деятельности и определению стратегии этих институтов в аспекте развития многоязычного образования школьников в странах Европы. Автором определены общие направления деятельности международных организаций и отдельно обозначена роль каждой из организаций в развитии этого педагогического феномена.The article deals with the retrospective analysis of the documents of international organizations: United Nations Organization (UN), it's special agency the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Council of Europe (CE) and European Union (EU) in which guidelines for national politics on preserving and developing multilingualism are provided. Special attention is paid to these institutions' activity learning and strategy defining in the aspect of multilingual education of schoolchildren development in European countries. The author substantiated basic directions of international organizations activities. They are designed to create a rational and constructive plan of conservation and development of multilingual population in coordination with the ideology of peace and brotherhood. This plan is designed for long-term implementation and accompanied by constant analysis and monitoring.Following the ideology of peace and cooperation activities of international organizations in the field of language education is focused on a combination of global, national and regional trends in the society, taking into account socio-economic, political and cultural contexts of different countries, and are as follows: 1) analysis and synthesis of experience on multilingualism preserving and development including due to school multilingual education; 2) definition of common problems of modern education and finding the ways of its development including the formation of plurilingualism; 3) peer review at various levels: from country's language policy to the level of language proficiency definition of separately taken personality; 4) implementation and coordination of regulatory work. This activity also provides benchmarks for national educational policies and common to all countries proposals, which are subject specifications at national, regional and local levels. The aim of this process is to put the idea of a society of equal opportunities into reality. Special attention is also paid to the specific role of every organization in the development this educational phenomena identification.
Статтю присвячено ретроспективному аналізу документів міжнародних організацій (ООН, ЮНЕСКО, ОБСЄ, Рада Європи, Європейський Союз), в яких намічено орієнтири для національних політик для збереження і розвитку багатомовності. Особливу увагу присвячено вивченню діяльності і визначенню стратегії діяльності цих інституцій в аспекті розвитку багатомовної освіти школярів у країнах Європи. Автором визначено загальні напрямки діяльності міжнародних організацій у розвитку цього педагогічного явища та окремо окреслено роль кожної з них. Статья посвящена ретроспективному анализу документов международных организаций (ООН, ЮНЕСКО, ОБСЕ, Совет Европы, Европейский Союз), в которых намечены ориентиры для национальных политик по сохранению и развитию многоязычия. Особое внимание уделено изучению деятельности и определению стратегии этих институтов в аспекте развития многоязычного образования школьников в странах Европы. Автором определены общие направления деятельности международных организаций и отдельно обозначена роль каждой из организаций в развитии этого педагогического феномена.The article deals with the retrospective analysis of the documents of international organizations: United Nations Organization (UN), it's special agency the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Council of Europe (CE) and European Union (EU) in which guidelines for national politics on preserving and developing multilingualism are provided. Special attention is paid to these institutions' activity learning and strategy defining in the aspect of multilingual education of schoolchildren development in European countries. The author substantiated basic directions of international organizations activities. They are designed to create a rational and constructive plan of conservation and development of multilingual population in coordination with the ideology of peace and brotherhood. This plan is designed for long-term implementation and accompanied by constant analysis and monitoring.Following the ideology of peace and cooperation activities of international organizations in the field of language education is focused on a combination of global, national and regional trends in the society, taking into account socio-economic, political and cultural contexts of different countries, and are as follows: 1) analysis and synthesis of experience on multilingualism preserving and development including due to school multilingual education; 2) definition of common problems of modern education and finding the ways of its development including the formation of plurilingualism; 3) peer review at various levels: from country's language policy to the level of language proficiency definition of separately taken personality; 4) implementation and coordination of regulatory work. This activity also provides benchmarks for national educational policies and common to all countries proposals, which are subject specifications at national, regional and local levels. The aim of this process is to put the idea of a society of equal opportunities into reality. Special attention is also paid to the specific role of every organization in the development this educational phenomena identification.
The article deals with theoretical views and practical steps of the prominent Polish politician Adam Czartoryski on Polish question and problem of the Slavic peoples during his service in the diplomatic office of the Russian Empire. It is proved that Adam Czartoryski made comprehensive drafts of changes in international relations as opposed to the policy of Napoleon Bonaparte. The Prince was an adversary of the Napoleon's political system and political structure which had been imposed to Europe by the French Emperor. The projects of A. Czartoryski raised many questions and looked forward; they were directed at limiting and reducing the influence of France and created conditions that prevented from reorganising the Europe's political structure for the convenience of the one state. A. Czartoryski developed comprehensive plans for a Federal Europe in 1802-1805. In contrast to the Napoleonic politics, he sought to build an international policy based upon international law, rational and moral principles which would have guaranteed a lasting peace, security and justice to all the nations and peoples. Prince wanted freedom and independence for his people. Nonetheless, as the representative of the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Empire, he failed to embody the plan either in practical action, or clearly explicit in his political projects. The famous «Puławy Plan» provided for annexation of Polish lands from Prussia to Russia as part of the Empire without any possibilities of establishing an independent state. ; The article deals with theoretical views and practical steps of the prominent Polish politician Adam Czartoryski on Polish question and problem of the Slavic peoples during his service in the diplomatic office of the Russian Empire. It is proved that Adam Czartoryski made comprehensive drafts of changes in international relations as opposed to the policy of Napoleon Bonaparte. The Prince was an adversary of the Napoleon's political system and political structure which had been imposed to Europe by the French Emperor. The projects of A. Czartoryski raised many questions and looked forward; they were directed at limiting and reducing the influence of France and created conditions that prevented from reorganising the Europe's political structure for the convenience of the one state. A. Czartoryski developed comprehensive plans for a Federal Europe in 1802-1805. In contrast to the Napoleonic politics, he sought to build an international policy based upon international law, rational and moral principles which would have guaranteed a lasting peace, security and justice to all the nations and peoples. Prince wanted freedom and independence for his people. Nonetheless, as the representative of the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Empire, he failed to embody the plan either in practical action, or clearly explicit in his political projects. The famous «Puławy Plan» provided for annexation of Polish lands from Prussia to Russia as part of the Empire without any possibilities of establishing an independent state.
Poland came up to the EU membership gradually, reorientation on the West in trade and economic sphere was accompanied by desire of establishing with them close political relations. After the Warsaw Pact expiration polish leaders had to decide also the question of safety concerning the incorporation in NATO, at that membership in EU and NATO was considered as the related key objectives of the foreign policy.In 1988-1993 years the democratic reform of the armed forces of Poland was characterized by the political forces unsuccessful attempts to achieve a certain visibility of macro-stablity and come to an agreement concerning control of the armed forces. Poland received an offer of cooperation with NATO within the program «Partnership for the sake of peace» in January 1994 at the summit in Brussels with other CEE countries. In 1999 year the Polish Parliament ratified the North Atlantic Treaty, demonstrating consolidated position of the political forces concerning that question.To the Council of Europe took a decision for the start of negotiations concerning the accession to the EU, Poland had to satisfy the political criteria, for execution of which, the consolidated position of the political forces concerning eurointegrational question had to exist. The application for membership in EU was made then, when the majority of places in parliament belonged to the political party, which had been created before the parliamentary elections in 1991 year from the political forces connected with the previous system.Already on July 16 of the 1997 year the "Agenda 2000", which was presented at the meeting of European parliament, denoted that, the political institutes of Poland function stably and consistently, and the parliamentary elections in 1991 and 1993 years had been free. Poland was recommended to negotiations concerning its membership, and its accession to the European Union took place while the fourth parliament cadence was functioning, when the majority belong to leftist forces. ; Poland came up to the EU membership gradually, reorientation on the West in trade and economic sphere was accompanied by desire of establishing with them close political relations. After the Warsaw Pact expiration polish leaders had to decide also the question of safety concerning the incorporation in NATO, at that membership in EU and NATO was considered as the related key objectives of the foreign policy.In 1988-1993 years the democratic reform of the armed forces of Poland was characterized by the political forces unsuccessful attempts to achieve a certain visibility of macro-stablity and come to an agreement concerning control of the armed forces. Poland received an offer of cooperation with NATO within the program «Partnership for the sake of peace» in January 1994 at the summit in Brussels with other CEE countries. In 1999 year the Polish Parliament ratified the North Atlantic Treaty, demonstrating consolidated position of the political forces concerning that question.To the Council of Europe took a decision for the start of negotiations concerning the accession to the EU, Poland had to satisfy the political criteria, for execution of which, the consolidated position of the political forces concerning eurointegrational question had to exist. The application for membership in EU was made then, when the majority of places in parliament belonged to the political party, which had been created before the parliamentary elections in 1991 year from the political forces connected with the previous system.Already on July 16 of the 1997 year the "Agenda 2000", which was presented at the meeting of European parliament, denoted that, the political institutes of Poland function stably and consistently, and the parliamentary elections in 1991 and 1993 years had been free. Poland was recommended to negotiations concerning its membership, and its accession to the European Union took place while the fourth parliament cadence was functioning, when the majority belong to leftist forces.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the international community position according to the problems of the unrecognized states. The purpose of the article is to estimate the reaction of international community and to give the general characteristic of its main actions according to the new states and to retrace the direct influence on recognition process. For achieving the most objective analysis of the problem a number of general and special methods of synthesis, analysis, comparison, generalization, ethnopolitological, world-system analysis and case-study, behaviour method and so on have been used. There was introduced the term «international settlement technologies» in the scientific revolution at first.The international community has long considered the problem of unrecognized states as a fleeting phenomenon — the result of current circumstances coincidence, part of the world players political interests game. This approach did not help to settlement the situation but only exacerbated it.Typical features of the international community position according to this issue are: first, the «international community» considers that to freeze such conflicts on a long-term is safer. As example, long-term process of settlement the situation of Transnistria, Nagorno-Karabakh, Taiwan and others is evident. Secondly, the existence of unrecognized states is a bright example of regional international institutions in the process of conflict settlement. The author propose to use the term «international settlement technologies», characterizing the reaction and international community actions according to unrecognized states problem.To our point of view, the term conflict «solution» is the process of finding a mutual solution that would satisfy all conflict parties (finding consensus). «Settlement» of the conflict is a broader concept that includes prevention of conflict open forms, conflict solution, and the formation of a new relations level between the conflict parties. «Solving» of the conflict is possible only through a complete breakdown or destruction of conflict actor (one or both) with his values, needs, interests and goals. So, it gives an suggestions that it's more correct to use the term «settlement». To our mind, specifying ways of international settlement, the most successful acts is the term «international settlement technologies».There were analyzed and defined international settlement technologies of unrecognized states problems, including the following: peace technologies, confrontation technologies, «frozen» conflict technologies, technologies «no peace — no war», isolation technologies.To sum up, we note that a settlement of this problem is very complex and long term process. However, its success depends on a favorable combination of many, both external and internal factors, subjective and objective conditions. Moreover, international experience shows that legal procedure (national referendum on independence, democratic elections, decision-civilized laws, etc.) is important for getting recognition. However, the dominant factor in the decision on recognition is political expediency.Currently, the technologies settlement of the unrecognized states problem are determined largely not by the interests of the people but by the «double standards» of the world's leading actors. ; Статья посвящена исследованию позиций международного сообщества по урегулиро-ванию проблем непризнанных государств. Автор дает обобщенную характеристику типичным технологиям урегулирования, которые использует международное сообщество в отношении непризнанных государств. В качестве исследовательской задачи автором была определена попытка дать обобщенную характеристику основных действий международного сообщества, а также выяснить непосредственное влияние на процесс признания. Проанализированы характерные особенности международных технологий урегулирования проблем непризнанных государств. Для достижения максимально объективного анализа перечисленных проблемы был использован ряд общенаучных и специальных методов: синтез, анализ, сравнение, обобщение, компаративный, політо-логический, этнополитологический, мир-системный анализ и анализ конкретних случаев, бихевиористский и др. В статье впервые вводится в научный оборот термин «международные технологии урегулирования». ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню позицій міжнародного співтовариства щодо врегулювання проблем невизнаних держав. Автором подано узагальнену характеристику типових технологій врегулювання, які використовує міжнародне співтовариство щодо невизнаних держав. У ролі дослідницького завдання автором було визначено спробу дати узагальнену характеристику основних дій міжнародного співтовариства та з'ясувати безпосередній вплив на процес визнання/невизнання. Проаналізовано характерні особливості міжнародних технологій врегулювання проблем невизнаних держав. Для досягнення максимально об'єктивного аналізу зазначених проблем було використано низку загальнонаукових та спеціальних методів, зокрема синтезу, аналізу, узагальнення, компаративний, політологічний, етнополітологічний, світ-системний аналіз та аналіз конкретних випадків, біхевіористський та ін. У статті вперше введено в науковий обіг термін «міжнародні технології врегулювання».
Disclosed Augustine intentions of individual and collective synchronization in the area of policy. In order to harmonize the contradictions of individual and collective approach to improving and theologian offered a number of social and political concepts. He advised, despite the sinful nature of the state, actively using it in the common cause of salvation. In this case, consider the fact that the state is complex onto-social phenomenon that exists in the dynamics, which changes its nature depending on the historical processes and goals change all its social components. St. Augustine considered the nature of the state from all sides - it can be a bunch of thieves, contractual association of social institutions, providing peace and improvement of citizens; serves as a hierarchical and ordered integrity, force provides a stable level of cohabitation foolish subordinates; and finally a political space of the design and implementation of the will of God chosen between the king and the people. However, the defined features of the state, for the theologian is transcendental manifestations of harmonization and intrinsic aspirations of individuals and the collective, historically the established in the earthly existence.Improving the political realm for St. Augustine is a matter of individual - those who have received rulers the gift of illumination. This concept was the basis of the theory in the Middle Ages pastoral state, the idea of a single "social body", where the king played a key communicator will of the Creator and the church. Along with this theologian did not deny the possibility of diverse associations and virtuous people to actively intervene in the affairs of states and coordinate its true purpose. ; В статье раскрываются интенции св. Августина в вопросе синхронизации индивидуального и коллективного в области политического. Для гармонизации противоречий индивидуального и коллективного и приближения к добродетельному усовершенствованию богослов предлагал ряд государственных концептов. Он рекомендовал, несмотря на греховную природу государства, научиться использовать ее в общем деле приближения к Граду Божьему. ; У статті розкриваються Августинові інтенції синхронізації індивідуального і колективного в царині політичного. Для гармонізації протиріч індивідуального і колективного та наближення до доброчесного вдосконалення богослов пропонував ряд державницьких концептів. Він радив, незважаючи на гріховну природу державної влади, навчитися використовувати її в спільній справі наближення до Граду Божого.
Contemporary socio-cultural context of globalization creates the challenges for educationalpolicy. A process of destroying the previous hierarchical structures of order in turbulent flowsof chaotic interlacement and mixing «fluid» integrity and becoming new network structures,germinating like rhizome through the barriers of political, national, cultural, ethnic and otherlocalities is taken place. How can we learn to live in a multicultural world in the face of complexand contradictory processes of integration and the information revolution, which multipliesthe diversities? Which concept of culture can be the basis for the transformation of educationand humanitarian policy in general? The article deals with the dynamics of understanding thestrategies of culture in the concepts of interculturality, multiculturality and transculturality. Theconclusion about the descriptive and normative relevance of concept of transculturality forforming a new educational policies and practices is grounded. It is shown that globalizationis carried out as a process, in which tendencies of the universal standardization of the worldand the creation of cultural diversity are realized contradictory. Both trends in competitionand interweaving create the new forms of globalization of culture, in particular in the form oftranscultural networks. The position, according to which transcultural education networks forma significant potential of social creativity is shown. The attempt of Ukrainian education to be asup-dated as oriented to the future puts it in a situation of necessity of transcultural transformationin accordance with a focus on the values of peace, social justice and sustainable development. ; Сучасний контекст глобалізації формує соціокультурні виклики дляосвітньої політики. Відбувається процес руйнації колишніх ієрархічнихструктур порядку в турбулентних потоках хаотичного сплетення і пeремішування «плинних» цілісностей та становлення нових, мережевихструктур, що проростають подібно до ризоми крізь бар'єри політічних, національних, культурних, етнічних та інших локальностей. Якнавчитися жити в мультикультурному світі в умовах складних і суперечливих процесів інтеграції та інформаційної революції, яка примножує відмінності? Який концепт культури може бути підставою длятрансформації освіти та гуманітарної політики в цілому? У статтірозглядається динаміка осмислення стратегій культури в концептах інтеркультурності, мультикультурності і транскультурності. Робитьсявисновок про дескриптивну і нормативну релевантність концепту транскультурності для формування нової освітньої стратегії і практики.Показано, що глобалізація відбувається як процес, в якому суперечливореалізуються тенденції універсальної стандартизації світу і створеннякультурного розмаїття. Обидві тенденції в конкуренції і взаємосплетенні створюють нові форми глобалізації культури, зокрема, у виглядітранскультурних мереж. В статті розкривається положення про те,що транскультурні освітні мережі формують значний потенціал соціальної творчості. Намагання української освіти бути не тільки сучасною, але й спрямованою у майбутнє, ставить її в ситуацію необхідностітранскультурного перетворення відповідно до орієнтацій на цінностімиру, соціальної справедливості і сталого розвитку.
Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей церковної політики Речі Посполитої 1788-1791 рр., законодавчих актів, які визначали юридичне становище православної церкви в цій державі, а також інтерпретації тогочасних подій та змісту документів відомим істориком церкви В. Бідновим. Окремо наголошено на тих заходах польської влади, яких слід було б уникати при формуванні сучасної церковної політики або, навпаки, було б бажано використовувати з метою збереження в країні суспільної злагоди та міжконфесійного порозуміння. ; Статья посвящена анализу особенностей церковной политики Речи Посполитой 1788-1791 гг., законодательных актов, которые определяли юридическое положение православной церкви в этом государстве, а также интерпретациям тех событий и содержания документов, осуществленных историком церкви В. Бедновым. Показано, что в своем освещении автор акцентирует внимание на тех действиях польской власти, которых следовало бы избегать при формировании современной церковной политики или, наоборот, было бы желательно использовать с целью сохранения в стране общественного мира и межконфессионального взамопонимания. ; The history of the church, inter-confessional relations and religious policies of the state is one of the developing areas of today's historical studies. An increasing number of special historical researches, papers, articles devoted to these issues, covering different periods in the history of our country, were a proof to that. Such interest is well justified as Ukraine is a country with complex ethnical and confessional set-up. This calls for deep insight into the history of relations between different confessions in the past. The article analyses specific features of the church policies of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the four year parliament (Sejm) of 1788-1791, acts of law adopted in that period that set legal grounds for the status of the Orthodox Church in the state, and studies the interpretation of those events and documents by church historian V. Bednov. Special attention was paid to the analysis of the actions of the Polish authorities to be avoided in today's church policies or, alternatively, to be encouraged today to maintain public peace and inter-confessional dialogue in the country. In his work, V. Bednov described in details all clauses of the Resolution of the General Congregation held in Pinsk, which were later legitimised by the Polish parliament (1791) and confirmed in the special Sejm constitution. This document was intended to dramatically change the status of the Orthodox Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Yet, time was lost, and prejudices that prevented the document from being adopted without limitations became one of the factors further resulting in the disappearance of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an independent state after the second (1793) and third (1795) partitions. These prejudices did not help to resolve controversies between Catholic, Uniate and Orthodox Christians either. The work of V. Bednov analysing the above issues was highly praised by his contemporaries. Yet, the scholar never returned to this topic in his studies, which makes this area very promising for modern researchers.
Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей церковної політики Речі Посполитої 1788-1791 рр., законодавчих актів, які визначали юридичне становище православної церкви в цій державі, а також інтерпретації тогочасних подій та змісту документів відомим істориком церкви В. Бідновим. Окремо наголошено на тих заходах польської влади, яких слід було б уникати при формуванні сучасної церковної політики або, навпаки, було б бажано використовувати з метою збереження в країні суспільної злагоди та міжконфесійного порозуміння. ; Статья посвящена анализу особенностей церковной политики Речи Посполитой 1788-1791 гг., законодательных актов, которые определяли юридическое положение православной церкви в этом государстве, а также интерпретациям тех событий и содержания документов, осуществленных историком церкви В. Бедновым. Показано, что в своем освещении автор акцентирует внимание на тех действиях польской власти, которых следовало бы избегать при формировании современной церковной политики или, наоборот, было бы желательно использовать с целью сохранения в стране общественного мира и межконфессионального взамопонимания. ; The history of the church, inter-confessional relations and religious policies of the state is one of the developing areas of today's historical studies. An increasing number of special historical researches, papers, articles devoted to these issues, covering different periods in the history of our country, were a proof to that. Such interest is well justified as Ukraine is a country with complex ethnical and confessional set-up. This calls for deep insight into the history of relations between different confessions in the past. The article analyses specific features of the church policies of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the four year parliament (Sejm) of 1788-1791, acts of law adopted in that period that set legal grounds for the status of the Orthodox Church in the state, and studies the interpretation of those events and documents by church historian V. Bednov. Special attention was paid to the analysis of the actions of the Polish authorities to be avoided in today's church policies or, alternatively, to be encouraged today to maintain public peace and inter-confessional dialogue in the country. In his work, V. Bednov described in details all clauses of the Resolution of the General Congregation held in Pinsk, which were later legitimised by the Polish parliament (1791) and confirmed in the special Sejm constitution. This document was intended to dramatically change the status of the Orthodox Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Yet, time was lost, and prejudices that prevented the document from being adopted without limitations became one of the factors further resulting in the disappearance of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an independent state after the second (1793) and third (1795) partitions. These prejudices did not help to resolve controversies between Catholic, Uniate and Orthodox Christians either. The work of V. Bednov analysing the above issues was highly praised by his contemporaries. Yet, the scholar never returned to this topic in his studies, which makes this area very promising for modern researchers.