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Pokój z Iwanem. Rosja jako siła opatrznościowa w propagandzie Państw Centralnych doby Wielkiej Wojny ; Russia as a Providential Force in the Propaganda of the Central States during the Great War
The purpose of this article is to trace the ambiguous images of Russia which had been presented after October Revolution in propaganda of Central Powers. Because of the Bolsheviks' peace slogans this country suddenly became the most desired ally of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. The autor aims to answer the following questions: – Which narratives connected to Russia did dominate in German society in 1917–1918? – To which extent were they similar and in which different from the leading narratives in such countries as Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria? – What was the background of the mentioned narratives and images? The author distinguished two major motifs connected to the image of Russia as a kind of providential force: 1) of Russia-the-Saviour (as an exemplification of the myth of "Grandpa Ivan"), 2) of Russia-a-fighter-for-peace (as a continuation of the myth of Russian Revolution).
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The Beginning of the Destabilization of The Middle East Region hat is "Operation Iraqi Freedom" – to Diagnose the Military Conflict and its Consequences ; Początek destabilizacji regionu Bliskiego Wschodu czyli operacja 'Iracka Wolność' – próba diagnozy konfliktu i jego skutki
In theory, the art of war can meet different approach to the characteristics of the phenomenon of war and peace. Until recently the phenomenon of war and peace could be compared to a magnet, creating a single entity, but having two opposite poles. The new realities of social, economic, political and military relationships between the phenomena of war and peace can be compared to the spectrum of visible light, where peace and war still represent opposite poles, but in between there is the phenomenon (concept) intermediate. Study aims to analyze the situation in the Persian Gulf in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. The first presents the results of research on the origin of the conflict and the assumed political and military objectives. In the second, the conclusions of the Iraqi Freedom operation have been formulated in the context of the goals achieved and their impact on peace-building in the Gulf region. In the last one, an attempt was made to answer the question whether the military intervention of coalition forces in Iraq has led to a solution of the crisis, or rather it has been the beginning of the current problems Europe is facing. ; W teorii operacji wojskowych, sztuce wojennej oraz naukach politycznych można spotkać różne podejścia do pokoju i wojny. Do niedawna jeszcze oba zjawiska porównywano do magnesu, tworzącego jedną całość, posiadającego jednak dwa przeciwstawne bieguny. W nowych realiach społecznych, ekonomicznych, politycznych i militarnych wzajemne relacje pomiędzy wojną i pokojem można porównać do widma światła widzialnego, gdzie oba nadal stanowią przeciwstawne bieguny, ale pomiędzy nimi pojawiły się zjawiska (pojęcia) pośrednie. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji konfliktowej w Zatoce Perskiej w XXI. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących genezy konfliktu oraz zakładanych celów politycznych i militarnych. W drugiej, sformułowano wnioski z przeprowadzonej operacji Iracka Wolność, w kontekście sposobów osiągania tychże celów i ich wpływu na kształtowanie pokoju w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. W ostatniej, zaprezentowano próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy interwencja zbrojna sił koalicyjnych w I raku doprowadziła do rozwiązania kryzysu, czy raczej stała się początkiem obecnych problemów z jakimi zmaga się Europa.
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Ответственность за оправдание геноцида, преступления против человечества, преступления против мира и военного преступления в уголовном законе Латвийской Республики
In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 5, Heft 2
ISSN: 2450-5005
ccording to the Section 1 of the Council of European Union Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law, each Member State shall take the measures necessary to ensure that the following intentional conduct is punishable: publicly condoning, denying or grossly trivialising crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Section 74.1 ―Acquittal of Genocide, Crime against Humanity‖ of the Criminal Law provides for liability in the public glorification of genocide, crime against humanity, crime against peace or war crime or glorification, denial, acquittal or gross trivialisation of committed genocide, crime against humanity, crime against peace or war crime, including genocide, crime against humanity, crime against peace or war crime committed by the U.S.S.R. or Nazi Germany against the Republic of Latvia and its inhabitants. The article aims to initiate a debate on potential problems related to the application of the Section 74.1 ―Acquittal of Genocide, Crime against Humanity‖ of the Criminal Law. The author offers his vision of the regulatory framework application problems.
Przeszłość jako nauczycielka i żródło nadziei. Wprowadzenie do historiozofii Andrieja Sacharowa ; The past as a tutor and a source of hope. An introduction to the historiosophy of Andrei Sakharov ; Прошлое как учитель и источник надежды. Введение в историософию Андрея Сахарова
The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA. ; The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA. ; The aim of this paper is to discuss the idea of the past based on Andrei Sakharov's essay titled Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom edited in 1968. Looking through the Stalinist era in the USSR, Sakharov concludes that without dealing with the Stalinist past, there is no hope of achieving peace, progress and stability in international affairs between the two main Cold War adversaries: USSR and USA.
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Błogosławieni pokój czynia̜cy: pokój w nauczaniu Jana Pawła II
In: Rozprawy naukowe 31
Zrod nové Evropy: Versailles, St.-Germain, Trianon a dotváření poválečného mírového systému
In: Práce Historického ústavu AV ČR
In: Řada A, Monographia sv. 37
Analiza dyplomatyczno-sfragistyczna dokumentów traktatu toruńskiego 1466 r
In: Roczniki Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu 75,1
Likwidacja Polskiego Korpusu Posiłkowego w 1918 roku: losy legionistów po traktacie brzeskim
In: Monografie tom 90
Mediacja jako metoda rozwiązywania konfliktów międzynarodowych ; Mediation as a Method of International Conflicts Resolution
The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.
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Europejska Strategia Bezpieczeństwa 2003–2008. Analiza politologiczna
In 2003, the Council of Europe, the highest political organ of the European Union, resolved to adopt the European Security Strategy. This document outlined three fundamental objectives for the EU: stability and good governance in the area of the EU's closest neighbors; creating an international order that would be based not only on bilateral relations, but primarily on efficient multilateral relations; and preventing threats, whether new or traditional. The Strategy assumed that the EU would take the responsibility for international security both in the realm of 'peace keeping' (peace and defensive missions) and 'peace-making' (peace and offensive missions). Defining the threats that the European Union needs to defy, the Strategy enumerates local conflicts, terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their potential use against the territory of the EU and its member states, collapsing states, and conflicts breaking out in such states and their neighborhood, as well as organized crime. The assessment of numerous threats to internal and external security, presented in the European Security Strategy, remains up-to-date. There have also emerged new threats for Europe that result from the need to ensure energy security, primarily with respect to the diversification of energy sources. The significance of climate change to international security has increased. The same applies to IT security or piracy. The EU has been rather anxious about the intensification of frozen conflicts, in particular the outbreak of war between Russia and Georgia. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has indicated that the enlargement process is a significant stabilizing factor in the EU neighborhood. Fundamental importance is also attached to the review of cooperation principles with the USA, the crucial role of the UN in the international system, and cooperation with regional organizations, such as the African Union. There is also the need to develop a strategic partnership with NATO, in particular in terms of operational cooperation. Another key factor in the strengthening of the EU's global position is the development of a civil and military crisis response system.
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Europejska Strategia Bezpieczeństwa 2003–2008. Analiza politologiczna
In 2003, the Council of Europe, the highest political organ of the European Union, resolved to adopt the European Security Strategy. This document outlined three fundamental objectives for the EU: stability and good governance in the area of the EU's closest neighbors; creating an international order that would be based not only on bilateral relations, but primarily on efficient multilateral relations; and preventing threats, whether new or traditional. The Strategy assumed that the EU would take the responsibility for international security both in the realm of 'peace keeping' (peace and defensive missions) and 'peace-making' (peace and offensive missions). Defining the threats that the European Union needs to defy, the Strategy enumerates local conflicts, terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their potential use against the territory of the EU and its member states, collapsing states, and conflicts breaking out in such states and their neighborhood, as well as organized crime. The assessment of numerous threats to internal and external security, presented in the European Security Strategy, remains up-to-date. There have also emerged new threats for Europe that result from the need to ensure energy security, primarily with respect to the diversification of energy sources. The significance of climate change to international security has increased. The same applies to IT security or piracy. The EU has been rather anxious about the intensification of frozen conflicts, in particular the outbreak of war between Russia and Georgia. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has indicated that the enlargement process is a significant stabilizing factor in the EU neighborhood. Fundamental importance is also attached to the review of cooperation principles with the USA, the crucial role of the UN in the international system, and cooperation with regional organizations, such as the African Union. There is also the need to develop a strategic partnership with NATO, in particular in terms of operational cooperation. Another key factor in the strengthening of the EU's global position is the development of a civil and military crisis response system.
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Amerykańska wizja pokoju na Bliskim Wschodzie. Od "małych kroków" Henry'ego Kissingera do mediacji Jimmy'ego Cartera
An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt. ; An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt.
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Rola Sił Zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju : casus Bośni i Hercegowiny
The aim of the article is to present the role of the armed forces in peacebuilding on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the relative lack of interest of Polish researchers in building peace, in the first part of the article the author presents the theoretical issues of the discussed problem. Peacebuilding is carried out in the countries that are not stable, which may bring about internal conflicts. The destabilization of a given country may pose a threat to the entire region, which is why it is important to involve international organizations in building peace. It seems that the role of the armed forces seems to be important in the above process. However, the research has shown that the armed forces are not in each case a sufficient tool in the process of building peace. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie roli sił zbrojnych w procesie budowania pokoju na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Z względu wciąż niewystarczający poziom zainteresowania polskich badaczy zagadnieniem budowy pokoju, Autorka w pierwszej części artykułu przybliży kwestie teoretyczne omawianego zagadnienia. Budowanie pokoju ma miejsce w państwach, które nie są stabilne, co może powodować wybuch wewnętrznego konfliktu. Destabilizacja danego państwa może powodować zagrożenie dla całego regionu. Dlatego istotne w procesie budowania pokoju jest zaangażowanie organizacji międzynarodowych. W myśl powyższego, bardzo ważna w omawianym procesie zdaje się być rola sił zbrojnych. Przeprowadzone przez Autorkę badania uprawniają ją do stwierdzenia, że nie w każdym przypadku siły zbrojne są wystarczającym narzędziem procesu budowania pokoju.
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Wojna jako manipulacja życiem ludzi ; War as manipulation of human life ; Karas kaip manipuliacija žmogaus gyvybėmis
The aim of the article is to systemically analyse the associations of war and the morality of community. Recently military conflicts became more frequent all over the world. It is noticed that military conflicts have the tendency to repeat and to gain chain reaction, when the wave of war affects many countries. General level of human aggressiveness has influence for the beginning of war. But the presidents of the countries with psychopathic personalities are at the starting point of the war. They possess the power and transfer their personal negative features to a conflict with another country. This is the reason why electing a president is such a responsible act, when society must pay attention not only to the election programme, but also to candidate's morality and hierarchy of values. We have to remember that peace begins in our minds and all of us are responsible for peace in our country and all over the world.
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