Suchergebnisse

This article deals with the issue of the peace-building process in countries with long-standing civil wars and the factors that might influence such processes. Based on my analysis, I identify two types of factors that might influence the peace process: power-sharing arrangements as an institutional factor, and attitudes of internal actors of the peace process as an agency factor. In this article I analyze the peace-building process in the West African country of Liberia. The peace-building process is analyzed through the study of the two main peace treaties signed to end the Liberian civil war in the 1990s: the Treaties of Abuja and Accra. In the analysis, I focus mainly on the extent to which the peace treaties incorporate the elements of power-sharing as well as the motivations, decision-making, and behavior of internal actors involved in the peace building process during the implementation of the peace treaties. The goal of this analysis is to reveal which dominant factor influenced the stability of the peace-building process in Liberia. Adapted from the source document.

In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed. ; In this article I will examine the powers and activities of NATO-led Kosovo forces (KFOR) and their impact on human rights protection in Kosovo. Through this examination, I seek to answer the following questions: which KFOR actions affected the human rights of Kosovars? Does KFOR carry out responsibilities and abide by the obligations normally imposed upon nation-states? And is there a solution available when the alleged violator is KFOR? KFOR is responsible for carrying out military tasks and for 'shouldering' UNMIK and local security forces in some civilian peace-building tasks. In the course of the exercise of its mandate, there were alleged complaints of human rights violations by KFOR. The legal implications of these alleged complaints against KFOR (in)actions will also be discussed.

Papinske poruke mira već imaju svoju polustoljetnu tradiciju. Sve ovore o ugrozi mira među ljudima i narodima, njihovim vanjskim i duhovnim uzrocima, sve predlažu neka rješenja, svaka poziva na poštivanje temeljnih ljudskih prava, na nenasilni put rješavanja svih konflikata, na pravednije društvene odnose i sl. Za razliku od mnogih sličnih svjetskih poruka i poziva, konvencija i dogovora, njihova posebnost leži u teološko-antropološkom pristupu. Autor na primjeru 23 od 51 papinske poruke od 1996. godine istražuje transcendentnu i antropološku gramatiku mira i kulturu dijaloga koje pape u svojim porukama mira neumorno ističu, a svijet stalno zaobilazi. Papinske poruke ukazuju da je transcendentni mir temelj i polazište antropološkom miru. Mir je kao realna mogućnost Božji dar čovjeku, kojemu globalno tržište donosi više nemira, negoli mira, pa je čovjek neprestano pozvan raditi oko mira. Bog je transcendentni izvor mira, a čovjek je antropološko srce mira. Da bi se izgradilo istinsko drvo mira u svijetu, valja nužno mijenjati sliku o čovjeku i sliku o Bogu. Pape stalno upozoravaju da se mir kao opće dobro čovječanstva ne može ostvariti samo pozitivnim zakonima i kojekakvim konvencijama. Stoga zaključuju da moralni i teološki aspekti trebaju prožeti i oploditi one pravne norme i forme, da ljubav treba prožeti istinu i pravdu, a da pravda u pravednosti treba biti povezana ljubavlju. Tako oni grade most između transcendentne i antropološke razine, između mira i ljudskih prava, između ljudskih prava i pravednosti, između pravednosti i praštanja, između praštanja i pomirenja, između pomirenja i mira. Put dijaloga preko praštanja i pomirenja put je do pravoga mira koji se temelji na istini, pravednosti, ljubavi i slobodi. Dakle, kulturu rata i nasilja treba zamijeniti kulturom mira, a ostvarivati kulturom dijaloga i dijalogom kultura i religija. ; Papal messages of peace have already had a half-century tradition. Everybody speaks of threat to peace among people and nations, their external and spiritual causes; everybody proposes some solutions, calls for respecting the basic human rights, for a non-violent way of solving all the conflicts, for just human relationships, and the like. Unlike many similar world messages and calls, conventions and agreements, the specifics of papal messages lie in their theological-anthropological approach. Using the example of 23 of the 51 papal messages from the year 1996, the author investigates the transcendental and anthropological grammar of peace and culture of dialogue that popes tirelessly point out in their messages of peace, but the world constantly avoids them. Papal messages indicate that transcendental peace is the foundation and starting point for anthropological peace. Peace is, as a real possibility, God's gift to man. The global market brings a man more restlessness than peace, and that is why man is called to constantly strive for peace. God is the transcendent source of peace and man is the anthropological heart of peace. To build a genuine tree of peace in the world, it is necessary to change the image of man and the image of God. Popes constantly keep warning that peace as the common good of mankind cannot be achieved only through positive laws and all sorts of conventions. Therefore, they conclude that moral and theological aspects need to pervade and impregnate legal norms and forms, love must permeate truth and justice and justice in righteousness should be related to love. Thus, they build a bridge between the transcendent and anthropological level, between peace and human rights, between human rights and justice, between justice and forgiveness, between forgiveness and reconciliation, between reconciliation and peace. The path of dialogue, through forgiveness and reconciliation, is the path to true peace based on truth, justice, love and freedom. Thus, the culture of war and violence needs to be replaced by a culture of peace, which should be achieved through a culture of dialogue and through a dialogue between cultures and religions.

The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Namjera je u ovom radu prikazati i predstaviti oružanu skupinu FARC, njihovu dugogodišnju borbu, propale pregovore s vladom te posljednje pregovore koji su rezultirali sporazumom. Ovaj slučaj pruža uvid u rješavanje sukoba te primjer kako postupati s drugim sukobljenim stranama. Kolumbija se ističe kao zemlja s velikim problemima, a jedan od njih su pobunjeničke grupe. Velikim uspjehom može se smatrati potpisivanje sporazuma s najdugovječnijom oružanom skupinom. Tematski okvir rada predstavlja istraživanje korporacije RAND, odnosno njenih autora Setha Jonesa i Martina Libickog koji su predstavili pet načina na koje dolazi do prestanka djelovanja terorističkih skupina. Fokus u ovom radu je na prestanku djelovanja terorističkih skupina tako što se uključe u legalne i legitimne političke procese. Rad dovodi do zaključka kako je FARC oružana skupina koja je tijekom svojih godina postojanja prošla nekoliko tipova djelovanja te na kraju postala politička stranka. Okolnosti u kojima se zatekla skupina, ali i sama država, dovele su do toga da ponovno pokrenu pregovore. ; The purpose of this paper is to show and introduce armed group named FARC, their long-lasting fight, failed negotiations with the government and the last negotiations that resulted in a peace agreement. This case provides insight in solutions to the conflict and example how to deal with other conflicted groups. Colombia stands out as a country with big problems and one of them are rebel groups. Great success is signing of a peace agreement with the most lasting rebel group. The framework of this subject is the research of the RAND Corporation, that is, their authors, Seth Jones and Martin Libicki, who showed five ways in which terrorist groups end. The focus of this paper is an ending of terrorist groups by involving in legal and legitimate political process. The paper brings to conclusion that FARC is armed group which has had throughout their many years different types of activity and in the end it has become a political party. Circumstances in which ...

U radu se objašnjava značaj povjerenja i razmatra značaj izgradnje povjerenja kao uvjeta stabilnosti europskog jugoistoka. Izdvojen je pojam povjerenja, a za teorijsku metodu koristila se Fukuyamina metoda povjerenja. Naglasak je stavljen na potrebu izgradnje demokratske kulture. U zatvorenom društvu ne može se biti spontan, kao što se ne može otvoriti a da se nema povjerenje u najbližoj životnoj i radnoj okolini. Jedan od zaključaka je da se termini otvorenost, spontanost i povjerenje ne mogu suprotstavljati. Oni su komplementarni i značajni za održavanje prijateljstva, sloge i sklada ; This paper explains the importance of trust and discusses the importance of building trust as the stability conditions in Southeast Europe. Set aside the notion of trust, and the theoretical methods used to Fukuyama's method of confidence. Emphasisis placed on the need to build a democratic culture.In a closed society can not be spontaneous, as it can not be opened and that there is no confidence in the nearest environmental and working conditions. One conclusion is that the terms openness, spontaneity and confidence can not resist. They are complementary and important for the maintenance of friendship, unity and harmony.

U radu se kroz pregled postojećih istraživanja analizira pojam organizacijske legitimnosti startupova, te glavne značajke procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova kroz digitalni kontekst grupnog financiranja (crowdfunding). Crowdfunding kao jedan od novijih modela financiranja predstavlja, između ostalog, jedan od mogućih kanala kreiranja organizacijskog legitimiteta, tj. strategiju vrednovanja idejnog koncepta startupova i pribavljanja resursa. U takvom digitalnom okruženju legitimnost te posljedično uspješnost realizacije poslovnog koncepta na tržištu, ovisi o specifičnostima digitalnog okruženja i institucionalne logike sudionika dvostrane digitalne platforme. Svrha rada je istražiti koncept organizacijske legitimnosti startup poduzetnika u kontekstu crowdfundinga. Cilj rada je pružiti pregled rezultata postojećih istraživanja o specifičnostima procesa izgradnje legitimiteta startupova u crowdfundingu te pretežitim teorijskim pristupima u pozadini interpretacije poduzetničkog odlučivanja u navedenom procesu. Metodološki pristup istraživanja je analiza i sinteza postojećih rezultata istraživanja temeljnog koncepta organizacijske legitimnosti te uspostavljene veze sa kontekstom crowdfundinga. Sukladno rezultatima istraživanja, navedene su implikacije i smjernice za daljnji teorijski doprinos u procesu izgradnje legitimiteta startupova, kao i praktične implikacije usmjerene prvenstveno startupovima te ostalim dionicima poduzetničkog ekosustava u okviru crowdfundinga. ; The paper analyzes the concept of organizational legitimacy of startups and the main features of the process of building the legitimacy of startups through the digital context of crowdfunding. Crowdfunding represents one of the recent models of financing for entrepreneurs, as well as the possible channel for creating organizational legitimacy, ie the strategy of evaluating the initial value concept of startups and the strategy of obtaining resources. In such a digital environment, the legitimacy and consequently the success of the realization of ...

Odluke u javnim poduzećima ne donose se isključivo na temelju kriterija profitabilnosti, već je riječ o objedinjavanju kriterija tržišnosti i javnosti. Unatoč raznolikosti ciljeva koje projektima u javnom sektoru treba zadovoljiti te činjenici da se odluke donose političkim procesom pregovaranja između dionika, podloga donošenju odluka treba biti analiza troškova i koristi. Pri tome treba uključiti sve koristi: materijalne i nematerijalne, izravne i posredne. Valja imati na umu da projekt treba biti troškovno pokriven kako u fazi izgradnje, tako i u fazi korištenja i održavanja. U ovome radu analiziraju se odluke u javnom poduzeću HAC s naglaskom na upravljačke odluke pri izgradnji autoceste A1. Ciljevi izgradnje ove autoceste bili su povezivanje državnoga prostora, povezivanje s europskom mrežom autocesta, razvoj turizma te povećanje sigurnosti prometa. Ti su ciljevi ostvareni. No nisu ostvareni željeni ciljevi povećanja razvoja, posebno gospodarskoga razvoja ruralnih i slabije naseljenih područja te zadržavanja i povećanja broja stanovnika. Tržišni ciljevi projekta također nisu ostvareni. Troškovi izgradnje dionice od Bosiljeva do Splita premašili su planirane troškove za 3 milijarde kuna. Prihodi su od 2015. do 2017. godine bili u prosjeku 500 milijuna kuna manji od projiciranih. Na temelju ovih podataka nameće se pitanje je li autocestu A1 trebalo graditi s pomoću kredita ili putem javno-privatnog partnerstva. S obzirom na pogreške u projekcijama, može se pretpostaviti da bi model javno-privatnog partnerstva podrazumijevao realniju procjenu prometne dinamike, nižu cijenu gradnje, bolje upravljanje prihodima, ali i postupniju gradnju. ; Decision-making in public companies does not take place solely based on profitability criteria, but it concerns the merging of market and public criteria. However, despite the diversity of objectives that public sector projects need to meet, and the fact that decisions are made through the process of political negotiation between stakeholders, the basis for making decisions ought to be an analysis of costs and benefits. Thus, it should include all benefits, both material and immaterial, direct and indirect. Yet, one should bear in mind that the project should be cost-effective, both in the construction phase and at the stage of use and maintenance. This paper analyses decisions made in the HAC (Croatian Highways) public company with an emphasis on management decisions when building the A1 motorway. During the construction of this highway, the objectives were to connect the state territory, connect with the European highway network, develop tourism and increase traffic safety. These objectives have been achieved. However, the desired goals of increasing development, specifically the economic development of rural and less-populated areas, and the retention and increase of the population have not been achieved. The project commercial goals have also not been realized. The costs of building Bosiljevo-Split highway section exceeded the planned costs by 3 billion Croatian kuna. The revenues from 2015 to 2017 were on average 500 million Croatian kuna less than projected. Based on these data, the question is whether the A1 motorway should have been built via a loan or through a public-private partnership. Given projection errors, it can be assumed that a model of public-private partnership would have implied a more realistic assessment of traffic dynamics, lower cost of construction, better revenue management, and probably more gradual construction.

U članku se obrađuje problem europeizacije, jedan od ključnih pojmova koji se razvio unutar europskih studija u posljednjih desetak godina, od trenutka usvajanja i stupanja na snagu Maastrichtskog ugovora. U prvom dijelu obrađuju se različiti modeli europeizacije u širem kontekstu nego što je to konceptualni okvir Europske unije, u kojem se i javlja fenomen europeizacije. Stoga se pokušava izgraditi tipologija širih pristupa određivanju fenomena i procesa europeizacije, koja obuhvaća šest poimanja europeizacije: prvi je pristup geografsko-politički, gdje se pod europeizacijom poimlju promjene u vanjskim granicama Europe, od redukcijskoga svođenja Europe na zemlje Zapadne i Srednje Europe, do proširenja pojma Europe rubnim državama; drugo je poimanje europeizacije povezano s razvojem političkih institucija na europskoj razini. Treća defi nicija identifi cira europeizaciju kao izvoz oblika političke organizacije, koji polazi od iskustva europske kolonizacije, a danas se modifi cirao u širenje europskih vrijednosti snagom primjera na druge kontinente; četvrti je model europeizacije poistovjećivanje s projektom europskog ujedinjenja, s procesom integracije koji završava u federalnoj, ujedinjenoj Europi; peta je varijanta penetracija europskog modela višerazinske vladavine u nacionalne sustave vladavine, a očituje se u adaptaciji, konvergenciji i harmonizaciji političkih i pravnih sustava država članica. Autor toj klasičnoj tipologiji dodaje i šestu, koju naziva retrospektivnom europeizacijom, a koja podrazumijeva europeizaciju kao identifi kaciju s tradicionalnim europskim vrijednostima prije nastanka EZ-a i EU-a, prvenstveno s tradicijskim, kulturnim i vjerskim identitetom iz predintegracijskog razdoblja. U drugom dijelu obrađuju se razne defi nicije europeizacije koje su proizišle iz empirijskih istraživanja, a autor i tu izdvaja pet vrsta definicija koje se međutim ne isključuju, nego plastično ukazuju na složenost fenomena. Na kraju se nudi model istraživanja koji bi u hrvatskom slučaju ispitao validnost pojma ...

U članku se opisuju i komparativno analiziraju građevni i urbanistički propisi u Hrvatskoj od 1956. do 1971., kad je načelno dovršen zakonodavni okvir jugoslavenskih i hrvatskih građevnih propisa. Analizirani propisi, koji su prvi put bili stručno publicirani u repetitoriju 1956. godine, ambivalentno su nastajali na službenoj negaciji građevnoga zakonodavstva Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1946. i neslužbenom korištenju većine ukinutih propisa sve do kraja 1960-ih. Kolokvijalno poznati pod suvremenim pojmom građevinska regulativa, analizirani propisi pokazuju određenu tehničku kompetentnost u člancima koji nisu zadirali u socijalističko društveno uređenje, ali i potpunu ovisnost o tom uređenju u ostalim paragrafima, poput procedura upravnoga postupka ili toleriranja bespravne izgradnje. ; The building regulation system that was initiated in 1850 with the adoption of the 'Regulation on the Admission of Civil Engineering Students and the Introduction of State Examinations in Civil Engineering' in the Austrian Empire was repealed in 1946, through the 'Law on the Invalidity of Legal Regulations Adopted Before 6 April 1941 and During the Enemy Occupation'. The new socialist building regulation system was created through the regulations of the Yugoslav government from 1947 on; it was acceptable to use certain repealed regulations until new ones were enacted, provided they did not conflict with the newly-created socialist legal system of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. After the Federal Ministry of Construction was abolished in 1950, the technical regulations and standards were regulated at the federal level, while the administrative procedures and other legal regulations were gradually lowered to the level of the republics, including Croatia. So as to help architects, spatial planners, and other experts in the building process orient themselves in this jungle of regulations, architect Vladimir Šilhard (Schilchard) published the Revision Book of Building Regulations and Procedure in the P. R. of Croatia in the professional journal Čovjek i prostor (Man and Space) in 1956. This article also exhaustively presents and analyses the building regulations in the period from 1946, through Šilhard's unified compendium, to the enactment of the Zagreb City Master Plan in 1971. On the one hand, the 1960s period was a great challenge for adopting regulations, primarily due to the new way of building residential buildings, which were not encompassed by the then existing regulations. On the other hand, new urban legislation was needed after Zagreb spread over the river Sava to the south, where the Zagreb Fair and the first residential neighbourhoods were built, so that the city could maintain a sustainable appearance of modernity. In this sense, the master plan of 1971 represented the peak of city planning that had begun with a competition for the for the General Regulatory Basis in 1930–1931 and the enactment of the Building Regulations of 1940. The system of technical regulations and building regulation standards on the federal level was mostly complete by late 1971, and remained partially in force even after the Republic of Croatia declared its independence on 8 October 1991, lasting until Croatia joined the European Union on 1 July 2013.

Kozmopolitizam i imperij dijele dugu zajedničku povijest koja seže još u antička vremena. Kozmopolitizam kao ideju sigurno ne bismo poznavali da nije bilo političke organizacije poput imperija, a imperijalni oblik vladavine sigurno ne bio toliko uspješan da se kozmopolitizam nije barem djelomično nalazio u opravdanju i očuvanju niza imperijalnih projekata. Interes za ideju kozmopolitizma obnovljen je u posljednjih dvadeset godina pojavom globalizacijske teorije, a također se čini da je i imperij, bilo da je odobravan ili osporavan, u skorije vrijeme postao popularan organizacijski koncept u akademskim diskusijama o našem trenutnom globalnom političkom stanju. Uspostava mira i njegovo održanje u oba ova koncepta igraju značajnu ulogu, no je li uopće moguće razlučiti kozmopolitsko od imperijalnog shvaćanja mira te kako ove sličnosti (i razlike) utječu na razvitak današnjeg globalnog vladanja? ; Cosmopolitanism and empire share a long history together, dating back to Antiquity. We would certainly not know of cosmopolitan idea if political organization such as Empire did not exist, and the imperial form of government certainly would not be so successful if cosmopolitanism was not at least partially involved in the justification and preservation of the series of imperial projects. Interest in the cosmopolitan idea was renewed in the last twenty years with the appearance of globalization theory, but it also appears that empire, whether it is accepted or disputed, also became a popular organizational concept in academic discussions about our current global political situation. In both of those concepts the establishment of peace and its maintenance plays an important role, but is it even possible to distinguish between cosmopolitan and imperial understanding of peace, and how these similarities (and differences) affect the development of today's global governance?