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Recent attention has focused on the difficulties of establishing 'coherence' between humanitarian relief aid in complex emergencies and the objective of ending violent conflict. This paper introduces a parallel problem: absence of total synergy between making peace and building democracy. A widely held assumption in the international community is that in post-conflict situations peace-building and democratization are virtually synonymous; creating the conditions for the one does so for both, the two processes will be reciprocal and mutually supportive. This suggests the policy issues will be simple. But the reality could be very different. Choices have to be addressed between requisites for peace and conditions for democracy; over the different implications for peace of competing designs for democracy; and over the kind of 'democracy' and its relation to other essential developments like state-building Institutional crafting is important; but matters concerning civil society and political culture must be addressed too. Governance and welfare considerations will bear on both peace and democracy but not necessarily in identical ways. There are temporal choices to address as well; the order of passage from peace to stable democracy may be as significant as the rites of passage. The belief that the well-known theory of a democratic peace in international relations has its complement in a democratic domestic peace looks plausible, but 'getting there' after conflict will be challenging. Issues of strategy and policy are most problematic where peace, prosperity and democracy have all been deficient—a situation common to many societies. – democratization ; conflict ; democratic domestic peace

In this paper, we described conflict is an unavoidable component of human activity. It is a normal daily occurrence. When it happens the next thing is resolution of conflict. Studies have shown that women are often exonerated when it comes to building peace and resolution of conflict. Given the second-class status of women in Africa, their skills and contributions are often under-valued and under-utilized. It this situation of women that lead the U.N. Security Council in Resolution 1325 reaffirmed the important role of women in peace building and resolution of conflicts and called for "their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and securityâ€. This paper draws upon known capacity of traditional Africa women in peace and resolution of conflict to better understand the implications of SCR1325, and proof that African women deserve to be included in peace building and resolution of conflict in Africa.Â

There are no religions which teach their followers to destroy human life and environment. The cases of violances which are happened in the every religion, actualliy not come from the religion itself, but it was sourced by many factors such as economics, politics, cultures, the follower's exegesis to the texts and etc. Here the author will analyze about the peace building terminology which is used by Quran, with thematic approach. Thematic approach is used to analyze the Quranic verses that contain the term of salam which are closely related to the peace building and non-violence movement. The results of study are that this term is directly related to positive attitude to life, and good interaction with the society, nature, and God especially.

Peace building activities address the root causes or potential causes of violence, create a societal expectation for peaceful conflict resolution and stabilize society politically and socio economically. Though Cameroon has hardly been involved any full scale war or persistent armed conflict like those of some Africa countries were conflicts have resulted in destabilization, displacement, and destruction of both people and infrastructural, both men and women are involved in the different approaches and phases of peace building that has to do with issues related to minor boarder violence like that of the Bakassi Peninsular , the Boko Haram insurgence in the Northern Region and the recent minor ongoing Anglophone crises and other forms of gender based violence in families and the community. The women in Cameroon just like those in Burundi, Sudan, Rwanda, Liberia and others have performed important roles as peace negotiators and peace educators in both families and society, but unlike their male counterparts they seem to be facing some difficulties in their participation in the different phases of peace building as stated by UNESCO Women and Peace Building in Africa, 2003.This paper is descriptive, guided by conceptual and theoretical frameworks of women and peace like the Liberal Feminist, Conflict and interactionist theoretical perspectives. The Paper seeks to analyse women's role in peace building and conflict resolution and the contributions they make with their traditional methods to ignite peace in the community in Cameroon. Examples in Cameroon as in other Case studies especially in Africa shows that Women have issues in peace building and security, and the development of interventions to address them that are linked to their lack of voice and political will. The paper also identifies women's needs that should be met through the mainstreaming of gender in peace and conflict resolution to stimulate women's active participation in any peace building and conflict resolution effort. Bisong Clara Bate Ashu ...

This paper examines the Thai state's approach in tackling the separatist movements in Thailand's predominantly Malay-Muslim South. Developing upon Lewis et al.'s concept of Authoritarian Conflict Management, I argue that the state has largely employed an authoritarian mode to respond to the resurgence of violent rebellion since 2004, with the military taking dominant roles. Illiberal peace-building, largely influenced by Thai Cold War counterinsurgency doctrine, has extended not only to spatial, discursive and economic domains, but also to the legal realm. A nationally driven peace process initiated in 2013 was a departure from the state's long-standing modus operandi. It was a period in which national elites experimented with a relatively more liberal approach. The Kuala Lumpur-facilitated process sparked both inter- and intra-group contention and soon collapsed due to the effect of unending battle between the so-called democracy camp and the royalist-establishment camp. The trajectory of the formalised dialogue took a significant turn after the 2014 coup. While retaining the process, the military regime turned it into an extended domain of illiberal peace-building. ; The most recent round field research for this article was funded by the Australian National University's Department of Political and Social Change.

Introduction: Since 1991 the people of Somaliland have successfully established a peaceful and relatively stable state and community. They have managed a process of reconciliation, demobilized the local militias, restored law and order, and held three rounds of peaceful elections. Much of the urban infrastructure and basic social services destroyed during the war (1988-1991) have been re-established. Peace and stability allowed normal patterns of trade and other economic activities to resume, and thousands of refugees came back from neighbouring countries. However, despite being the most stable polity within the territory of the former Somali Republic, Somaliland has not been recognized internationally as a state, and thus it has not received the kind of international support given to many other post-conflict countries. In the early 1990s few international organizations were willing to support internal reconciliation, establish security through disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, or promote democratization and development. Instead, peace building has been achieved by Somalis themselves, supported in part by the Somaliland diaspora,1 which has sent remittances, undertaken business and social investment, and helped to re-establish or rehabilitate basic services. [Continues]

The study set out to scrutinize the scope of conflict in Africa and further evaluate the contribution of women to the peace process as well as the challenges such roles impose on them. The study affirms the important roles of women as an agent of peace in which they demonstrated an act of courage and love to end conflicts when men failed. The study shows that there is an overemphasis on women as victims of conflict or sometimes as combatants or agents. This largely conceals the invaluable contribution of women to the peace process. This position amounts to placing them in a position that they might be seen as weaklings or perpetrator of conflict. The study further concludes that most of the conflicts that became protracted and deep-rooted reflect institutional failure and the refusal of those in the position of authority to act at the right time due to greed, poverty, and lack of inclusive arrangement in governance. The study, therefore, recommends that the root of the problem must first be attacked in that government must be proactive enough to monitor, act promptly to diffuse tension in explosive issues that could lead to direct violence. This is achievable if the government is sincere, honest, and adopts an inclusive approach in governance thereby ensuring fairness in the distribution of resources.

This paper examines the causes of conflict in Burundi and discusses strategies for building peace. The analysis of the complex relationships between distribution and group dynamics reveals that these relationships are reciprocal, implying that distribution and group dynamics are endogenous. The nature of endogenously generated group dynamics determines the type of preferences (altruistic or exclusionist), which in turn determines the type of allocative institutions and policies that prevail in the political and economic system. While unequal distribution of resources may be socially inefficient, it nonetheless can be rational from the perspective of the ruling elite, especially because inequality perpetuates dominance. However, because unequal distribution of resources generates conflict, maintaining a system based on inequality is difficult because it requires ever increasing investments in repression. It is therefore clear that if the new Burundian leadership is serious about building peace, it must engineer institutions that uproot the legacy of discrimination and promote equal opportunity for social mobility for all members of ethnic groups and regions. JEL Categories: 00

As a corrective to the emphasis on national and international reconciliation during peace building processes, I develop here a conceptual analysis of the dynamics of violence during the transition from war to peace and democracy in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 2003 and 2006. I locate the sources, at the local, national, and regional levels, of continued local violence during this transition. Through an analysis of the situation in the provinces of North Kivu and North Katanga, I illustrate how local dynamics interacted with the national and regional dimensions of the conflict. I demonstrate that, after a national and regional settlement was reached, some local conflicts over land and political power increasingly became self-sustaining, autonomous, and disconnected from the national and regional tracks. Thus, peace building action was required not only at the national and regional levels but also locally.

The author examines the features of the processes of de-occupation, reintegration and peace-building that took place in Croatia in the late 1990s and analyzes the possibilities of implementing the Croatian experience in Ukraine. The aim of the study is to clarify the specifics of the Croatian peace building strategy, its features and effectiveness factors and to determine the possibilities of applying the Croatian model of peace-building and its individual elements in the process of reintegration of the currently occupied Ukrainian territories. Applying historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that not all means of de-occupation and reintegration of territories that have been successful in the Croatian case can be as effective in modern Ukrainian realities. The study found that the main factor in the effectiveness of the Croatian model of peace-building was the presence of public consensus on the priority of the integrity of the state and the means to restore sovereignty over its entire territory. The conclusions revealed that the effective development of peace in the occupied and reintegrated territories involves the spread of Ukrainian cultural and value dominants, the Ukrainianization of information and cultural space and the educational system.

After ten years of civil war in Nepal (1996 - 2006) the combatant forces brokered the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA). The war had ended but peace was never established and Nepal's political economy remains weak and barely functioning. The CPA has been inoperative because of power struggles of the numerous parliamentary political parties in the post-insurgency Nepalese Governments. The political parties see no use for the CPA in these power struggles. Their sole and continuing objective is to secure political power. The causes of and the problems created by the civil war have been ignored in the power struggles of the parliamentary parties. The peace process in Nepal is now paralysed. The political parties have ignored, avoided, isolated and derailed the peace building process in Nepal. Hence, this paper analyses the political reality and the paralysed peace process in Nepal. It also examines how the activities of political parties have deliberately failed to bring the process of peace building to Nepal. And finally, it proposes practical peace building measures by which peace building could occur in Nepal which would bypass the power struggles of the political parties in Nepal. Article DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2017.32.11171134 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA.

Northern Ireland has witnessed significant political progress with devolution and a power sharing Executive in place since May 2007. These political achievements, however, conceal a highly polarised society characterised by sectarianismand community divisions, the legacy of a protracted conflict. This paper is located in the theoretical discourse between consociationalists who argue that antithetical identities cannot be integrated and advocates of social transformation who support greater cross-community peace-building initiatives through the involvement of civil society. This theoretical debate is taking place in a policy vacuum. The Northern Ireland Executive has abandoned its commitment to the previous (direct rule) administration's A Shared Future policy and is now considering alternatives broadly described as community cohesion, sharing and integration. Using a case study of a Protestant/Catholic interface community, this paper offers empirical evidence of the effectiveness of one social transformation initiative involving community groups in a highly segregated area of West Belfast.

Twenty-seven years after the end of the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is still considered a post-conflict state dealing with war memories, genocide, socio-political divisions, and political and socio-economic challenges like ethno-nationalism, unemployment, social inequalities, a complex education system, high levels of corruption, migration, and depopulation. The article aims to investigate the role of female academics in peace-building, state-building and gender equality in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For this purpose, a survey questionnaire was distributed to female academics aiming to obtain data regarding female academic's role in the post-conflict society, how they have contributed to peace-building processes and the future of the country, the main issues and challenges they face as women in academia, their engagement in gender equality and women empowerment activities, the ways they cope with the COVID-19 pandemic in their professional and private life, and their work-life balance. Descriptive statistics and a thematic analysis of the participants' responses to open-ended questions were conducted. Female academics in Bosnia and Herzegovina hold that women play a pivotal role in post-conflict societies and that they should be actively engaged in peace-building and state-building processes. Women themselves should be the leaders of positive changes and female empowerment through education and by providing support to other women.

Since 2009, insecurity in the North-East of Nigeria has led to the loss of over 20,000 lives and the displacement of over two million people. Throughout the region livelihoods have been disrupted, and homes, public buildings and infrastructure destroyed. In a part of Nigeria where 80 percent of people rely on agriculture for their livelihoods, much has been lost. People have been forced from their land and livestock has been killed. In many areas, land mines and other remnants of war bring challenges for safe and voluntary return. While Borno, Adamawa and Yobe States bore the brunt of the direct impacts of the conflict, the three neighboring states of Gombe, Taraba and Bauchi have taken in scores of people who have been displaced, taxing their communities, economic resource, social services and infrastructure. Schools have been damaged, health clinics destroyed and many people have been left vulnerable by this crisis. The Government of Nigeria has made great strides in retaking and stabilizing large portions of the North-East, but the work to restore the lives of those affected is just beginning. This assessment, led by the Government of Nigeria and supported by local, national and international partners, has helped quantify the physical, social and economic impacts of the crisis in the North-East, and will inform the process of stabilization, peace building and recovery in the region. The RPBA is a necessary tool that will help us gather the resources and develop the capacities to address these challenges. The results will help reduce suffering in affected communities, restore a sense of normalcy and regain the trust of people in the region.

The effects of violent conflict on education are enormous, and provision of quality education cannot be realised if teachers are not adequately trained to teach in conflict-prone areas. This reality prompted the study to investigate strategies to empower teachers in conflict transformation and peacebuilding. Guided by the Conflict Transformation Theory which proposes to identify the root causes of a conflict, and the use of creativity to transform the causes based on relationships and sub-systems that surround the conflict over time, a cross-sectional mixed methods study was conducted in Mt. Elgon region, Kenya. The study found that: for teachers to participate in conflict transformation there was a need for training in peace education and implementation of Life Skills Curriculum through various methods including distance education. Since then the government has developed education sector policy on peace education which provides for policy and curriculum initiatives, collaboration and partnerships to address challenges in peacebuilding and violent extremism. Initiatives to train teachers and education officers in peace education and implementation of the Life Skills Curriculum have been instituted. However, despite the efforts, peace education is not effectively taught in many schools due to inadequate teacher training. Equally, life skills education, one of the main subjects to promote peace education, is not effectively implemented. To mitigate this, the government has made several efforts to identify best practices to promote peace education and implement life skills, among them, teacher training on how to enhance peace education through mainstreaming and implementation of Life Skills Curriculum. There is need for further investigation on the current gaps in peace education in the wake of the curriculum review to Competency Based Curriculum in Kenya.