Legal framework of UN peacekeeping forces and issues of command and control
In: UN Peacekeeping in Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo, S. 106-147
In: UN Peacekeeping in Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo, S. 106-147
In: Pictorial Cultures and Political Iconographies
In: Peacekeeping in International Politics, S. 131-134
In: International Law on Peacekeeping, S. 107-134
In: Armed Forces and Society in Europe, S. 196-225
In: Globale Herausforderungen - globale Antworten: eine wissenschaftliche Publikation des Bundesministeriums für Landesverteidigung und Sport, S. 449-457
"Colonial and post-colonial rulers often failed to transform African countries into true nations. Therefore, political violence, instability and civil wars endured, prompting external intervention. Peacekeeping and the nature of conflicts changed, forcing the UN to shift and expand its field operations from 'traditional' missions involving strictly military tasks, to complex 'multidimensional' enterprises designed to ensure the Implementation of comprehensive peace agreements and assist in laying the foundations for sustainable peace. The AU is working vigorously to strengthen its capacity and partnership with the UN, but many peacekeeping forces are not self-sustainable, lack suficient logistics and need external support for basic equipment, and medical supplies before deploying. Emphasis should be put on military capabilities, the quality of personnel, Force multipliers, effective deployment, closing gaps between goals and reality, the political will by stakeholders and on managing the ongoing conflict instead of elaborate/expensive outside initiatives." (author's abstract)
In: UN Peacekeeping in Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo, S. 148-213
Examines recent Canadian analyses & discussions of peacekeeping in the context of international relations debate between idealism & realism, the latter as viewed from Hans Moregenthau's perspective to which the author subscribes. Conceptual ambiguity surrounding peacekeeping is addressed, seeking some clarification from the distinction between troop deployment under Chapter VI of the UN Charter & deployment under Chapter VII. At issue is how the government & citizenry of Canada came to support peacekeeping with such thoughtlessness that the criteria developed to guide sensible decision making could be thoroughly ignored. A long-term factor underpinning this situation is the extent to which peacekeeping has supported a persistent myth of Canadian identity that centers on a rejection of the US. The short-term factor involves changes in the Canadian armed forces resulting at least partly from foreign policy ideals that generally removed from or contrary to the realities of power & interest. Thus, the abandonment of realism for the idealism that motivates Canada's pursuit of peacekeeping is seen as contributing to the disintegration of the Canadian armed forces. J. Zendejas
An examination of Canadian peacekeeping operations in Somalia during the 1990s is used to argue that the increase in peacekeeping missions in the post-Cold War period demands an analysis of problems related to using people trained to kill other human beings in peace operations. This "militarized masculinity" often leads to war crimes that, in the case of Somalia, destroyed the myth that Canadian forces were morally pure & altruistic. Peacekeeping mission restrictions such as firing weapons only in self-defense run counter to dominant notions of military purpose. These missions are often ridiculed by members of the traditional military culture who were trained to do battle. The resulting tensions can have disastrous consequences like the 1993 brutal murder of Somali teenager Shidane Abukar Arone by two Canadian soldiers that shocked Canadian citizens who had never seen their soldiers accused of atrocities. The incident challenged the longstanding belief that "Americans fought wars" but "Canadians made peace." The need to acknowledge the reality that soldiers do not always make the best peacekeepers is emphasized. J. Lindroth
In: Protecting Civilians, S. 88-110
The Chretien government's 2003 decision to commit a 1,900-man battalion group to serve with the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan rather than to send Canadian forces for combat operations against the Hussein regime in Iraq is described as a missed opportunity. It reinforced views that Canadian forces can do little more than peace-keeping force & are incapable of engaging in intense warfare. This paper examines Canada's contributions to various wars in the 1990s & the principles underlying those commitments & brings to light critical aspects of force generation & deployment of Canadian combat forces in crisis situations. The questions of political will & strategic direction will determine whether Canada will continue to offer ad hoc solutions to continuing problems or develop its capability for force generation & deployment in pursuit of its global interests. J. Stanton
In: Protecting Civilians, S. 111-170
This paper examines Canada's 1994 White Paper on Defence, the only formal statement of the country's defense policy. This originally interim policy, designed in the early post-Cold War era, is generalized & tentative -- obviously in need of major reform. It is hoped that the accession of Paul Martin as prime minister will serve as a catalyst to develop a new defense policy, a new foreign policy, & a better approach to force structuring as the backbone of both policies. The background & premises of the 1994 paper are outlined. The four areas of defense activity were expressed as continental defense, NATO support, UN peacekeeping, & domestic operations. Continental defense was designed to include Canadian-US cooperation. The available military forces at the time are described, the existence of a commitment-capability gap is considered, & Canadian engagement in international defense activities over the past decade is examined. The lessons learned under the 1994 policy should play a major role in the development of a new defense policy. References. J. Stanton
In light of the kind of armed interventions concomitant with post-Cold War conflicts, a call is made for a redefinition of the individual soldier & the character, role, & structure of the armed forces. The present contradictory image of the soldier, particularly as involved in peacekeeping missions, is articulated. It is argued that certain archetypal warrior characteristics might sustain while the soldier shifts toward assuming a position as an element of law & order. Thus, the future soldier's motivation is deemed important as it derives from his dual commitment to participate in the defense of basic values & to act on behalf of new regional or global security structures that foster security, peaceful development, & prosperity. Noting the advances in military technology that have automated the battlefield, it is asserted that a trend toward tallying how many people were protected or rescued will be the measure of victory alongside the number of kills & amount of territory taken. In this, the emergence of the guardian soldier (as opposed to some kind of battlefield technician) is seen. Further, this changing role at the soldier level is viewed as part of a paradigmatic shift in the global security environment, wherein the adversarial approach to security is being superceded by cooperation & accompanied by a strategic shift that has implications for the armed forces. In this light, seven new guiding principles are delineated. To engage in humanitarian intervention & low-intensity conflicts, armed forces will have to eschew classical war fighting for untraditional forms of combat; the new guardian soldier can accomplish this. J. Zendejas
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"The Military in African Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.