This article reflects on the prospect for an ASEAN peacekeeping force and regional security cooperation. I argue that progress on 'soft' security issues stands to facilitate a slow deepening of 'hard' security cooperation at the ASEAN level. Governments of ASEAN member states are still reluctant to develop a regional mechanism for conflict resolution, which they perceive to be a challenge to the norms of non-interference and state sovereignty. Yet, these norms are subject to dynamic shifts in the security environment that regional governments now have to manage. The establishment of mechanisms to address politically less controversial non-traditional security issues such as environmental challenges stands to further develop and consolidate military-to-military ties and deepen political trust among member states. An ASEAN standby force for emergency response and disaster relief has become a politically acceptable initiative and could set the stage for the development of an ASEAN peacekeeping force.
Since Bozizé led the CAR from March 15, 2003, to March 24, 2013, there has been resistance from some of the rebel forces. The rebellion continues because of the economic and political weaknesses in the CAR government. One of them comes from an opposition coalition known as Séléka who staged a rebellion in 2013 with the aim of overthrowing the Bozizé regime. After the fall of Bozizé, CAR's condition has worsened because Séléka rebels have committed gross human rights violations in the CAR. This is where the conflict develops from the conflict that was originally just a conflict of government-opposition, then widened and turned to religious conflicts. As a result, questions arise about the efforts and involvement of third parties in conflict resolution within the CAR and the social impacts of the conflict. This article attempts to answer questions which focuses on the involvement of third parties as peacekeepers in conflict areas. In this case, the authors use qualitative research methods in the form of literature studies such as books, journals, and scientific articles in supporting the final explanation. The result of this paper shows that the failure of Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) as a peacekeeping force in the conflict in CAR in 2013-2015 is caused by human rights violation in the form of sexual exploitation. This has had a social impact on the lives of communities, especially women and children, suffer from physical and mental trauma resulting from conflict and become victims of human rights violations committed by MINUSCA.
Recent surveys have demonstrated that Canadians value Canada's role as a peacekeeper and peacemaker in an international context. Additionally, research has demonstrated decreasing public support for Canada's involvement in military combat interventions in other parts of the world. However, awareness and understanding of nonviolent alternatives appear to be lacking. This survey examines Canadian public's awareness and understanding of unarmed civilian peacekeeping as an alternative to sending armed troops, and whether the public would support Canada in utilizing unarmed civilian peacekeepers (focusing on mediation, negotiation, relationship and peacebuilding activities) as part of its response to violent global conflicts. The results reveal that Canadians believe unarmed civilian peacekeeping would be more effective in tasks such as reducing human rights abuses, preventing further armed conflict and promoting lasting peace. Respondents also believe the practice would benefit Canada's reputation as a peacemaker and leader. This paper concludes with recommendations for proponents and advocates of the incorporation of unarmed civilian peacekeeping into the official policy of the Canadian government. 1 ; Peer reviewed ; Published
"September 2000." ; Not distributed to depository libraries in a physical form. ; "Published in cooperation with the Center for the Professional Military Ethic to enhance discussion of military professionalism within the Army and sister services"--P. iv. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1 2
In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat sich das Konfliktprofil von bewaffneten Konflikten maßgeblich verändert. Aus diesem Grund versuchen die Vereinten Nationen ein wirksames Mittel gegen innerstaatliche Konflikte zu finden, um diese so effektiv und nachhaltig wie möglich zu lösen. Diese Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich mit den Friedenseinsätzen der Vereinten Nationen, deren Weiterentwicklung und vor allem mit dem letzten Entwicklungsschritt, dem Einsatz der Force Intervention Brigade. Es wird dargestellt, wie Peacekeeping-Einsätze üblicherweise ausgestaltet sind, wie sich Peacekeeping in den letzten Jahrzehnten weiterentwickelt hat, wie diese Entwicklung ausgestaltet wurde und ob bzw. warum eine solche Weiterentwicklung notwendig ist. Außerdem wird die Entwicklung von Friedensmissionen am Beispiel des Einsatzes in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo näher dargestellt und auf die Gründe für den Einsatz der Intervention Brigade eingegangen. Des Weiteren wird die Ausgestaltung der Intervention Brigade und ihre rechtlichen Probleme näher erläutert. Schlussendlich wird die für den Einsatz der Force Intervention Brigade maßgebliche Resolution 2098 inhaltlich diskutiert und dargelegt, welche Probleme durch die Erteilung eines offensiven Mandates aufgeworfen werden. ; The development from traditional peacekeeping to a force intervention brigade, on the exaple of the peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In the last decades the profile of armed conflicts has changed. To keep up with the changing conflict environments and the change from international to internal conflicts the United Nations try to find an effective and lasting solution for this kind of conflicts. This thesis begins by presenting the reader an overview of peacekeeping missions and how these missions developed over the last decades. Further on the last step of the evolution of peace operations, the Force Intervention Brigade, will be displayed, and why this offensive mission was installed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the main part of this thesis the reader will be introduced to the legal issues which come alongside with the Force Intervention Brigade and its leading resolution 2098. ; vorgelegt von Thaddäus Egghardt ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2015 ; (VLID)752816
With the end of the Cold War and the resurgence of dormant ethnic and intrastate conflicts within many nations, the demands for international forces to keep the peace, ensure humanitarian relief, and secure democratic institutions in splintering states around the world have increased dramatically. The United States has significantly increased its own involvement in United Nations operations. At the same time as demands for forceful intervention have increased, events in Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti, and other troubled areas around the world have revealed shortfalls in the developed world's ability to deal the non-traditional missions of nation building, securing humanitarian rights, and large scale peace enforcement operations. A fundamental question arises in the face these new operations: how well do rules developed during the era of limited classical peacekeeping fit these new missions? Can the old rules still apply in this new age of peace operations? Part of the problem in applying classical peacekeeping rules today is that they are a mishmash of guidelines on when to intervene, and once decision to intervene is made, what the rules on the use of force should be. The issue of regulation of the use of force in peacekeeping and humanitarian missions is covered. A third important issue, the legal status United Nations forces engaging in new types of expanded peace operations and their resulting obligations under the international law of armed conflict, is also discussed. ; Thesis (Master's) ; With the end of the Cold War and the resurgence of dormant ethnic and intrastate conflicts within many nations, the demands for international forces to keep the peace, ensure humanitarian relief, and secure democratic institutions in splintering states around the world have increased dramatically. The United States has significantly increased its own involvement in United Nations operations. At the same time as demands for forceful intervention have increased, events in Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti, and other troubled areas around the world have revealed shortfalls in the developed world's ability to deal the non-traditional missions of nation building, securing humanitarian rights, and large scale peace enforcement operations. A fundamental question arises in the face these new operations: how well do rules developed during the era of limited classical peacekeeping fit these new missions? Can the old rules still apply in this new age of peace operations? Part of the problem in applying classical peacekeeping rules today is that they are a mishmash of guidelines on when to intervene, and once decision to intervene is made, what the rules on the use of force should be. The issue of regulation of the use of force in peacekeeping and humanitarian missions is covered. A third important issue, the legal status United Nations forces engaging in new types of expanded peace operations and their resulting obligations under the international law of armed conflict, is also discussed. ; Mode of access: Internet.
"Serial no. 110-61." ; Shipping list no.: 2007-0367-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
"April 2003"--T.p. verso. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; I. Senior practitioner perspectives on lessons learned -- II. Historical and academic lessons learned -- III. Prescriptions for the future -- IV. Seminal past publications -- V. References. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The characteristics of the armed conflict in the modern world are given. The role and place of military and special units of the security forces at the border conflict intervention in the peacekeeping force. Described role of internal troops of the security forces in the area divided by military conflict parties. ; 1. Про оборону України [Текст] : Закон України від 06.12.1991 р. № 1933-XII // Відомості Верховної Ради України. – 1992. – № 9. – Ст. 12 (із змінами, внесеними згідно із Законом № 803-VI (803-17) від 25.12.2008 р., ВВР, 2009, № 19).2. Про внутрішні війська МВС України [Текст] : Закон України від 26.03.1992 р. № 2235-ХІІ // Відомості Верховної Ради України. – 1992. – № 29. – Ст. 397 (із змінами, внесеними згідно із законами . № 1381-XIV (1381-14) від 13.01.2000 р.).3. Положення про територіальну оборону України [Текст] : указ Президента України від 27.03.1998 р. № 225 (у ред. від 02.10.2001 р. № 918/2001). – 16 с.4. Шмаков, О. М. Словник офіцера внутрішніх військ з воєнно-наукових питань [Текст] / О. М. Шмаков. –5-те вид.– Х. : Акад. ВВ МВС України, 2009. – 517 с.
The characteristics of the armed conflict in the modern world are given. The role and place of military and special units of the security forces at the border conflict intervention in the peacekeeping force. Described role of internal troops of the security forces in the area divided by military conflict parties. ; 1. Про оборону України [Текст] : Закон України від 06.12.1991 р. № 1933-XII // Відомості Верховної Ради України. – 1992. – № 9. – Ст. 12 (із змінами, внесеними згідно із Законом № 803-VI (803-17) від 25.12.2008 р., ВВР, 2009, № 19).2. Про внутрішні війська МВС України [Текст] : Закон України від 26.03.1992 р. № 2235-ХІІ // Відомості Верховної Ради України. – 1992. – № 29. – Ст. 397 (із змінами, внесеними згідно із законами . № 1381-XIV (1381-14) від 13.01.2000 р.).3. Положення про територіальну оборону України [Текст] : указ Президента України від 27.03.1998 р. № 225 (у ред. від 02.10.2001 р. № 918/2001). – 16 с.4. Шмаков, О. М. Словник офіцера внутрішніх військ з воєнно-наукових питань [Текст] / О. М. Шмаков. –5-те вид.– Х. : Акад. ВВ МВС України, 2009. – 517 с.
There is a sober paradox involved in the use of oxymoron 'peace operations', as these operations, traditionally anchored on the bedrock principles of UN peacekeeping - consent of the parties, impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defence -, are being increasingly transformed into enforcement operations. Twenty-seven years after the end of the Cold War and the rebirth of the United Nations' (UN) security role, peacekeeping operations are increasingly losing ground to an emerging pattern of more aggressive, offensive operations. They have an essentially hybrid nature, involving elements of both peacekeeping and enforcement. Although many see them as alternative, non-reconcilable techniques, politicians and practitioners do not see a sharp dividing line separating non-coercive and enforcement tasks, permitting an easy transition from one to the ...
This article traces Rwanda's history under German and Belgian colonialism, through independence and genocide to international respectability and membership of the Commonwealth. It examines Rwanda's impressive contributions to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping forces. There is no single explanation for the magnitude of Rwanda's contribution. It owes something to Rwanda's commitment to 'African solutions for African problems'. Deployment is relatively cheap and allows Rwanda to use its participation for political leverage in international affairs, to attract donors and to benefit financially. Peacekeeping is a factor in the astute foreign policy of Paul Kagame's government that enhances its authority and stability at home and its prestige abroad
This article traces Rwanda's history under German and Belgian colonialism, through independence and genocide to international respectability and membership of the Commonwealth. It examines Rwanda's impressive contributions to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping forces. There is no single explanation for the magnitude of Rwanda's contribution. It owes something to Rwanda's commitment to 'African solutions for African problems'. Deployment is relatively cheap and allows Rwanda to use its participation for political leverage in international affairs, to attract donors and to benefit financially. Peacekeeping is a factor in the astute foreign policy of Paul Kagame's government that enhances its authority and stability at home and its prestige abroad
There is a sober paradox involved in the use of oxymoron "peace operations", as these operations, traditionally anchored on the bedrock principles of UN peacekeeping - consent of the parties, impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defence -, are being increasingly transformed into enforcement operations. Twenty-seven years after the end of the Cold War and the rebirth of the United Nations' (UN) security role, peacekeeping operations are increasingly losing ground to an emerging pattern of more aggressive, offensive operations. They have an essentially hybrid nature, involving elements of both peacekeeping and enforcement. Although many see them as alternative, non-reconcilable techniques, politicians and practitioners do not see a sharp dividing line separating non-coercive and enforcement tasks, permitting an easy transition from one to the other. Resumo Existe um paradoxo relacionado com o uso do oxímoro "operações de paz", uma vez que estas operações, ancoradas tradicionalmente nos princípios fundamentais da manutenção da paz da ONU - consentimento das partes, imparcialidade e não uso da força, exceto em autodefesa -, estão a ser cada vez mais transformadas em operações de fiscalização. Vinte e sete anos após o fim da Guerra Fria e do renascimento do papel de segurança das Nações Unidas (ONU), as operações de manutenção da paz estão cada vez mais a perder terreno para um padrão emergente de operações ofensivas mais agressivas. Elas têm uma natureza essencialmente híbrida, envolvendo elementos tanto de manutenção da paz quanto de "enfocement". Embora muitos os vejam como técnicas alternativas e não conciliáveis, os políticos e os profissionais não vêem uma linha divisória nítida que separa as tarefas não-coercitivas e de execução, permitindo uma transição fácil de uma para outra.
The number of uniformed personnel serving in UN peace missions reached a new record in 2016, at almost 123,000. Following grave failings of UN missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan, there is growing awareness within the UN of a widening disjoint between the expectations placed upon peacekeeping forces and what they can actually achieve. One aspect of the debate relates to the question of how robustly UN missions should operate in enforcing their mandate. In some quarters the resolute use of force is seen as the key to greater success. Almost three years ago the UN sent a Force Intervention Brigade to Congo with an explicit mandate to neutralise armed groups. An assessment of its record reveals that the brigade cannot be regarded as an organisational model worth replicating, and that peace-enforcing mandates do not necessarily lead to greater success in peacekeeping. (SWP Comments)
