Asser Institute Lectures on International Law: A Standing Peacekeeping Force?
In: Netherlands international law review: NILR ; international law - conflict of laws, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 171
ISSN: 1741-6191
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In: Netherlands international law review: NILR ; international law - conflict of laws, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 171
ISSN: 1741-6191
In: Defence and peace economics, Band 17, Heft 5, S. 413-419
ISSN: 1024-2694
World Affairs Online
In: International defense review, Band 21, Heft 11, S. 1431-1436
World Affairs Online
In: The world today, Band 40, S. 93-101
ISSN: 0043-9134
In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, Band 33, Heft 22, S. 16-17
ISSN: 0265-3818
In: Defence & peace economics, Band 17, Heft 5, S. 413-419
ISSN: 1476-8267
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 97-99
ISSN: 0030-4387
In: Christ University Law Journal, Band 4, S. ISSN 2278-4322
SSRN
In: Socio-economic planning sciences: the international journal of public sector decision-making, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 131-149
ISSN: 0038-0121
In: International Journal, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 791
This article reflects on the prospect for an ASEAN peacekeeping force and regional security cooperation. I argue that progress on 'soft' security issues stands to facilitate a slow deepening of 'hard' security cooperation at the ASEAN level. Governments of ASEAN member states are still reluctant to develop a regional mechanism for conflict resolution, which they perceive to be a challenge to the norms of non-interference and state sovereignty. Yet, these norms are subject to dynamic shifts in the security environment that regional governments now have to manage. The establishment of mechanisms to address politically less controversial non-traditional security issues such as environmental challenges stands to further develop and consolidate military-to-military ties and deepen political trust among member states. An ASEAN standby force for emergency response and disaster relief has become a politically acceptable initiative and could set the stage for the development of an ASEAN peacekeeping force.
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In: Africa confidential, Band 48, Heft 17, S. 8
ISSN: 0044-6483
In: Israel affairs, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 557-574
ISSN: 1743-9086
In: UN Peacekeeping in Lebanon, Somalia and Kosovo, S. 106-147
Since Bozizé led the CAR from March 15, 2003, to March 24, 2013, there has been resistance from some of the rebel forces. The rebellion continues because of the economic and political weaknesses in the CAR government. One of them comes from an opposition coalition known as Séléka who staged a rebellion in 2013 with the aim of overthrowing the Bozizé regime. After the fall of Bozizé, CAR's condition has worsened because Séléka rebels have committed gross human rights violations in the CAR. This is where the conflict develops from the conflict that was originally just a conflict of government-opposition, then widened and turned to religious conflicts. As a result, questions arise about the efforts and involvement of third parties in conflict resolution within the CAR and the social impacts of the conflict. This article attempts to answer questions which focuses on the involvement of third parties as peacekeepers in conflict areas. In this case, the authors use qualitative research methods in the form of literature studies such as books, journals, and scientific articles in supporting the final explanation. The result of this paper shows that the failure of Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) as a peacekeeping force in the conflict in CAR in 2013-2015 is caused by human rights violation in the form of sexual exploitation. This has had a social impact on the lives of communities, especially women and children, suffer from physical and mental trauma resulting from conflict and become victims of human rights violations committed by MINUSCA.
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