Suchergebnisse

U radu se raspravlja o prisutnosti i aktualnosti filozofskog, dakle kritičkog promišljaja fenomena psihe i psihijatrije na geo-povijesnom tlu Republike Hrvatske, s metodološkim fokusom na: reprezentativne autore, spise i inicijative relevantne za navedeni diskurs, prisutnost sistematskog provođenja obrazovanja u sklopu fakultetskih kurikuluma, te izdavačku aktivnost tematski usmjerenu na problematiku psihe. Usmjerit će se i na domenu odnosa filozofije i psihe/psihijatrije u povijesnoj mereološkoj konstelaciji, njezin značaj za filozofiju psihe, kao i kategorički neodvojivi odnos filozofije i izučavanja psihe per se. Autor uvodi tezu da je filozofija psihe idealan misaoni poligon na kojem se isprepliću rudimentarni filozofijski disciplinarni smjerovi u rasponu od hermeneutike, fenomenologije, ontologije, epistemologije, logike, pa do socijalne i političke filozofije, filozofije egzistencije i etike. Kao idealni znanstveno-filozofski meritor predlaže se orijentacijska disciplina integrativne bioetike kao teleološki most za sjedinjavanje navedenih filozofskih disciplina. Pritom je naglasak na predmetu fenomena života, koji je evaluiran u analogiji sa semantikom predsokratovskog pojma ψυχή (psukhe). ; The paper discusses the presence and actuality of the philosophical, and therefore critical, think-ing of the phenomena of psyche and psychiatry in the geo-historical space of the Republic of Croatia. Its methodological focus is on: representative authors, writings and initiatives relevant to the mentioned discourse, the presence of systematic education within the faculty curriculum, and the publishing activity focused on the issues ofpsyche. The focus will be on the relationship between philosophy and psyche/psychiatry in the historical mereological constellation, on its importance for the philosophy of psyche, as well as the categorically inseparable relationship between philosophy and the perception of psyche. The author introduces the thesis that the philosophy of psyche is an ideal thinking polygon upon which rudimentary philosophical disciplinary directions are intertwined, ranging from hermeneutics, phenomenology, ontology, epistemology, and logic, to social and political philosophy, the philosophy of existence, and ethics. As an ideal scientific-philosophical descriptor, I suggest the discipline of integrative bioethics, which I look at as a teleological bridge for combining these disciplines. The emphasis will be on the subject of life phenomena, which I look at in an analogy with the pre-Socratic semantics of ψυχή (psukhe) as the dialectical synthesis of mind (nousj) and body (soma).

Revolucija je jedan od središnjih koncepata filozofije prakse. Prema Gaji Petroviću, revolucija je najautentičniji oblik slobode i najistinskija ljudska praksa te istina i duboka potreba našeg vremena ako čovjek želi ostati i u punoj mjeri postati čovjek (Filozofija prakse). Slično razumijevanje nudi i Milan Kangrga koji u njoj nalazi nužan uvjet i oznaku svakog prekoračivanja horizonta postojećeg svijeta. U ovome radu pokazujem koliko su u svojoj filozofiji prekoračili uske okvire tumačenja Marxova pojma revolucije kao isključivo političkog i/ili socijalnog fenomena. ; Revolution is one of the central categories in the Praxis Philosophy. According to Gajo Petrović, revolution is the most authentic form of freedom and the most genuine human praxis as well as the truth and a deep need of our time if a human wants to stay and entirely become a human (Filozofija prakse [Philosophy of praxis]). A similar understanding is offered by Milan Kangrga who sees revolution as a necessary condition for overcoming the horizon of the present world. In this paper, I show how far did they go in crossing the narrow frames of the interpretation of Marx's concept of revolution as merely political and/or social event.

Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

U prvom dijelu članka izlaže se tradicionalistička kritika Francuske revolucije, prvenstveno kroz autore Josepha de Maistrea i Edmunda Burkea. Drugi dio posvećen je recepciji protestantizma katoličke reakcije, naročito s obzirom na detektiranje »duha pobune« u njemu, kao jezgra onog držanja ili mentaliteta koji će obilježiti nastupajuće subverzivne političke i društvene prevrate. Zaključni dio rada prikazuje utjecaje i obrade rane konzervativne misli u suvremenosti, nalazeći da je ona, u istrajnom proturječju prema radikalnoj društvenoj reformi, imala ulogu ponekad razložne opomene i, rjeđe, korektiva pretencioznim revolucionarnim zahvatima. ; In the first part of the paper, the traditionalistic critique of the French Revolution is presented, primarily through the characters of Joseph de Maistre and Edmund Burke. The second part is dedicated to the reception of the Protestantism of the Catholic reaction, especially in the view of detecting the 'spirit of rebellion' in it, as the nucleus of the posture or mentality that will mark the emerging subversive political and social upheavals. The concluding part of the paper exposes the influence and treatment of early conservative thought in modernity, finding that, in a persistent struggle against radical social reform, it sometimes had the role of the reasonable warning and, more rarely, the corrective of pretentious revolutionary interventions.

U radu je provedena povijesno-filozofska rekonstrukcija Leibnizove obrazovne teorije. U uvodu se navode egzegetski problemi koji se tiču lociranja Leibnizove »filozofije obrazovanja« unutar šireg korpusa njegovih djela i iznalaženja adekvatnog teorijskog okvira unutar kojega je moguće kontekstualizirati i rekonstruirati Leibnizove misli o obrazovanju. Potom je pokazano da nam taj okvir pruža Leibnizova praktična filozofija, tj. njegove ideje o optimalnoj državi i općem dobru. Analizirane su ključne teze Leibnizove etike i političke filozofije u cilju otkrivanja pozadine ideje o respublica optima i objašnjeno je kakvo bi obrazovanje, slijedeći Leibniza, trebalo biti da bi omogućilo usavršavanje pojedinca i društva te doprinijelo ostvarenju općeg dobra. Na kraju, tvrdi se da je Leibniz u okviru svojega obrazovnog projekta artikulirao prosvjetiteljsku ideju koja je progresivnija od obrazovnih ideja filozofa koje obično asociramo s prosvjetiteljstvom osamnaestog stoljeća. ; This paper presents a historical-philosophical reconstruction of Leibniz's theory of education. In the introduction, I point out the exegetical problems involved in locating Leibniz's "philosophy of education" within the broader corpus of his works and in uncovering an appropriate theoretical framework within which it is possible to contextualise and reconstruct Leibniz's thought on education. It is then shown that this framework is provided by Leibniz's practical philosophy, i.e. his ideas about the optimal state and the common good. I analyse the key theses of Leibniz's ethics and political philosophy to uncover the background of the idea of the respublica optima and explain how education, in Leibniz's view, should enable the perfection of the individual and society and contribute to the realisation of the common good. Finally, it is argued that in his educational project Leibniz articulated an idea of the Enlightenment that is far more progressive than the educational ideas of the philosophers we usually associate with the eighteenth-century ...

Platonova teorija odgoja i obrazovanja najeksplicitnije je iznesena u "Trećoj knjizi" Države. On ondje, pokušavajući osmisliti državu u kojoj bi sve funkcioniralo na najbolji mogući način, osmišljava i obrazovni sustav za građane te države. U ovome radu, nakon što iznesemo najvažnije točke te teorije, u kojoj sam Platon najviše razmatra ulogu umjetnosti u obrazovanju i povežemo je s još nekim tragovima Platonove teorije odgoja i obrazovanja, pozabavit ćemo se nekim problemima koji se javljaju unutar tih teorija. Naime, stvarajući svoj odgojno-obrazovni sustav, Platon nije pažljiv u izražavanju, pa su neke od posljedica njegove dvosmislenosti pogubne, kako u cilju izbjegavanja kontradiktornosti, tako i u političkome smislu. Također, Platonov odgojno-obrazovni sustav koji bi se trebao primjenjivati u njegovoj državi nije osjetljiv na stvarnost toga doba. Stavove koje on uključuje i neke premise na koje računa ukazuju na to da nije dovoljno obratio pažnju na sve uvjete i faktore koji utječu na razvoj pojedinca. Nakon što ukažemo na te probleme s čitavom teorijom, ispitat ćemo koliko su ti problemi fatalni po Platonovu filozofiju odgoja i obrazovanja.