Suchergebnisse

The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian

U radu se raspravlja o prisutnosti i aktualnosti filozofskog, dakle kritičkog promišljaja fenomena psihe i psihijatrije na geo-povijesnom tlu Republike Hrvatske, s metodološkim fokusom na: reprezentativne autore, spise i inicijative relevantne za navedeni diskurs, prisutnost sistematskog provođenja obrazovanja u sklopu fakultetskih kurikuluma, te izdavačku aktivnost tematski usmjerenu na problematiku psihe. Usmjerit će se i na domenu odnosa filozofije i psihe/psihijatrije u povijesnoj mereološkoj konstelaciji, njezin značaj za filozofiju psihe, kao i kategorički neodvojivi odnos filozofije i izučavanja psihe per se. Autor uvodi tezu da je filozofija psihe idealan misaoni poligon na kojem se isprepliću rudimentarni filozofijski disciplinarni smjerovi u rasponu od hermeneutike, fenomenologije, ontologije, epistemologije, logike, pa do socijalne i političke filozofije, filozofije egzistencije i etike. Kao idealni znanstveno-filozofski meritor predlaže se orijentacijska disciplina integrativne bioetike kao teleološki most za sjedinjavanje navedenih filozofskih disciplina. Pritom je naglasak na predmetu fenomena života, koji je evaluiran u analogiji sa semantikom predsokratovskog pojma ψυχή (psukhe). ; The paper discusses the presence and actuality of the philosophical, and therefore critical, think-ing of the phenomena of psyche and psychiatry in the geo-historical space of the Republic of Croatia. Its methodological focus is on: representative authors, writings and initiatives relevant to the mentioned discourse, the presence of systematic education within the faculty curriculum, and the publishing activity focused on the issues ofpsyche. The focus will be on the relationship between philosophy and psyche/psychiatry in the historical mereological constellation, on its importance for the philosophy of psyche, as well as the categorically inseparable relationship between philosophy and the perception of psyche. The author introduces the thesis that the philosophy of psyche is an ideal thinking polygon upon which rudimentary philosophical disciplinary directions are intertwined, ranging from hermeneutics, phenomenology, ontology, epistemology, and logic, to social and political philosophy, the philosophy of existence, and ethics. As an ideal scientific-philosophical descriptor, I suggest the discipline of integrative bioethics, which I look at as a teleological bridge for combining these disciplines. The emphasis will be on the subject of life phenomena, which I look at in an analogy with the pre-Socratic semantics of ψυχή (psukhe) as the dialectical synthesis of mind (nousj) and body (soma).

Revolucija je jedan od središnjih koncepata filozofije prakse. Prema Gaji Petroviću, revolucija je najautentičniji oblik slobode i najistinskija ljudska praksa te istina i duboka potreba našeg vremena ako čovjek želi ostati i u punoj mjeri postati čovjek (Filozofija prakse). Slično razumijevanje nudi i Milan Kangrga koji u njoj nalazi nužan uvjet i oznaku svakog prekoračivanja horizonta postojećeg svijeta. U ovome radu pokazujem koliko su u svojoj filozofiji prekoračili uske okvire tumačenja Marxova pojma revolucije kao isključivo političkog i/ili socijalnog fenomena. ; Revolution is one of the central categories in the Praxis Philosophy. According to Gajo Petrović, revolution is the most authentic form of freedom and the most genuine human praxis as well as the truth and a deep need of our time if a human wants to stay and entirely become a human (Filozofija prakse [Philosophy of praxis]). A similar understanding is offered by Milan Kangrga who sees revolution as a necessary condition for overcoming the horizon of the present world. In this paper, I show how far did they go in crossing the narrow frames of the interpretation of Marx's concept of revolution as merely political and/or social event.

Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.

U radu se analizira životno i književno djelovanje slavonskog preporoditelja Matije Antuna Relkovića (1732.-1798.) i analizira njegov Satyr iliti divji čovik u kontekstu preporodnih kretanja u Slavoniji toga vremena. Donose se ključni podatci iz Relkovićeva životopisa i posebno obrađuju slovopisna rješenja u Satyru u odnosu na standardizacijske procese u hrvatskom književnom jeziku. Osobito se obraća pažnja na vojne termine koje je Relković posebno obradio i nastojao iz njemačkih izvornika pronaći odgovarajuće hrvatske riječi za njih. ; The paper analyses the life and literary work of Slavonian reformer Matija Antun Relković (1732–1798) and his poem Satyr or the wild man in the context of the reforming movements in Slavonia of that time. The key data from Relković's resume is presented, and Satyr's spelling choices are specially analysed, in relation to standardization processes in the Croatian literary language. Particularly the military terms used, that originated in German expressions for which Relković tried to find the corresponding Croatian words, were specially addressed.

Izravan otpor Novosadskomu dogovoru vođen promišljeno, zasnovano, političko-strategijski odmjereno, ali odlučno, otpočeo je Deklaracijom o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika iz 1967. godine. Bez obzira na osude, kazne, zabrane i progonstva glavnih inicijatora i drugih aktivnih sudionika – organizatora i simpatizera, ustanova, potpisnika i pisaca Deklaracije – a potom i boljševički nametnutu šutnju o tome časnom činu, neprekidno je i upravo proporcionalno bujao osjećaj domoljublja, rasle su svijest i odgovornost o zaštiti hrvatskoga jezika u cijelome hrvatskom nacionalnom biću s nezaustavljivom nakanom da mu se popravi i ustavno-pravni status kao i stvarni položaj u društvu jer je u tome jeziku odredište njegova identiteta, uporište osobnih i zajedničkih prava i jamstvo uljuđenosti, samostalnosti i slobode. Uz Deklaraciju kao prekretnicu na putu hrvatskoga jezika stoje i spomenute Brozovićeve Teze o hrvatskome jeziku u kojima argumentirano i uvjerljivo obrazlaže neslaganje s Novosadskim dogovorom naglašavajući samostalnost i vitalnost hrvatskoga jezika koji se razvijao stoljećima "na vlastiti način" i u "skladu s jezičnom praksom i ustaljenom hrvatskom tradicijom" ; Declaration on the name and status of the Croatian Language from 1967 was the initiator of direct opposition to Novi Sad Agreement which was lead deliberately, with political and strategic measure, but at the same time decisively. Regardless of condemnations, punishments, prohibitions and prosecutions of the main initiators and other active participants – organizers and sympathizers, institutions, signatories and writers of the Declaration – and repressively imposed silence about that noble act, the patriotism feeling has been growing constantly and proportionally. Responsibility of the entire Croatian national creature for protection of the Croatian language has also been increased with the intention to improve both its constitutional-legal status and real position in the society because the language is the center of its identity, stronghold of personal and common rights and guarantee of civility, independence and freedom. Besides the Declaration as the turning point on the way of the Croatian language there are also Ten theses on the Croatian standard language in which Brozovic argumentatively and convincingly explains his disagreement with Novi Sad Agreement emphasizing independence and vitality of the Croatian language that has been developed for centuries "in its own way" and "in the accordance to language practice and consistent Croatian tradition".

U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.

Tema članka je važnost regionalne suradnje za ostvarivanje prava disperziranih etničkih manjina koje žive u različitim zemljama. Autorica posebno ističe specifičnost položaja Roma u kontekstu suvremenih europskih politika zaštite manjinskih prava. Međunarodni dokumenti, naglašava autorica, po prvi put u povijesti osiguravaju institucionalnu podršku očuvanju etničkog identiteta Roma u Europi. Europska povelja o regionalnim ili manjinskim jezicima pruža zaštitu i neteritorijalnim jezicima, što uključuje i romski jezik. U drugoj polovici dvadesetog stoljeća, na području Zapadnog Balkana, pokrenute su inicijative za očuvanje i razvoj romskog jezika i identiteta. Romi iz bivše Jugoslavije, u sklopu te inicijative, pokrenuli su projekt standardizacije romskog jezika. Ta je inicijativa u praksi bitno utjecala na položaj i uporabu romskog jezika u Sloveniji. ; The article topic is regional cooperation in light of its special importance for the rights of dispersed ethnic minorities living in different countries. In this context the situation of Roma stands out as a specific issue in the context of modern European minority protection. International documents for the first time in history provide institutional support for the preservation of ethnic identity of the Roma in Europe. The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages expands its protection also to the protection of non-territorial languages, including the Roma language. In the second half of the last century, in the geographical area of the Western Balkans some initiatives for the preservation and development of the Romani language and identity started. Following these initiatives, representatives of Roma from the former Yugoslavia started a project for standardization of the Roma language. Practice has shown that this process significantly influenced the situation and the use of the Romani language in Slovenia.

U prvom dijelu članka izlaže se tradicionalistička kritika Francuske revolucije, prvenstveno kroz autore Josepha de Maistrea i Edmunda Burkea. Drugi dio posvećen je recepciji protestantizma katoličke reakcije, naročito s obzirom na detektiranje »duha pobune« u njemu, kao jezgra onog držanja ili mentaliteta koji će obilježiti nastupajuće subverzivne političke i društvene prevrate. Zaključni dio rada prikazuje utjecaje i obrade rane konzervativne misli u suvremenosti, nalazeći da je ona, u istrajnom proturječju prema radikalnoj društvenoj reformi, imala ulogu ponekad razložne opomene i, rjeđe, korektiva pretencioznim revolucionarnim zahvatima. ; In the first part of the paper, the traditionalistic critique of the French Revolution is presented, primarily through the characters of Joseph de Maistre and Edmund Burke. The second part is dedicated to the reception of the Protestantism of the Catholic reaction, especially in the view of detecting the 'spirit of rebellion' in it, as the nucleus of the posture or mentality that will mark the emerging subversive political and social upheavals. The concluding part of the paper exposes the influence and treatment of early conservative thought in modernity, finding that, in a persistent struggle against radical social reform, it sometimes had the role of the reasonable warning and, more rarely, the corrective of pretentious revolutionary interventions.

Rad se bavi mapiranjem i teorijskim konceptualiziranjem polemika vezanih uz "re- lacijsku formu". Pri tome ne predstavlja pokušaj pacifikacije različitih pozicija niti zauzimanja "strane" u polemikama, već se temelji na studiji koncepata (concept-based metodology) koja služe kao pomagala boljem razumijevanju objekta istraživanja. Premda je forma suvremene umjetnosti, bilo da je čine procesi ili postupci, prema tradicionalnom shvaćanju "razbijena", cilj rada je ispitati suprotno. U prvom dijelu analizirat će se pojam "relacijske forme" te diskursi vezani uz njezino artikuliranje. U drugom se dijelu istražuju tehnike i postupci odnosno strategije konceptualnih avangardi 1990-ih i 2000-ih. Zaključno se razmatraju napori, prijepori i mogućnosti umjetnosti u proširenom polju relacijskih praksi. Istraživanje će poslužiti za pobliže određenje ontološkog statusa suvremenih umjetničkih formi. ; The paper aims at mapping and theoretically conceptualizing the controversies around the "relational form." It does not, however, seek to conciliate the different positions or take "sides" in the debate; instead, it is based on a concept-based methodology as an instrument offering better insight into the researched object. Even though the form of contemporary art, be it as a process or as a procedure, is "broken" according to the traditional idea, the aim of this work is to examine the opposite. In the first part, the notion of "relational form" and the discourses related to its articulation are analyzed. The second part focuses on the techniques and procedures or strategies of the conceptual avant-gardes during the 1990s and 2000s. Eventually, the conclusion considers the efforts, debates, and possibilities of art in the extended field of relational practices. The aim of this research is to define more precisely the ontological status of contemporary art forms.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".