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AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico

Nuclear deal between Iran and the West has recently brought a significant impact on changing political map of the Middle East region. Many parties assumed that the nuclear agreement initiated by the United States is part of the scenario to keep the Middle East remained stable. For the past five years America was so overwhelmed in facing threats either by state actors or non-state. At least with the achievement of the Iranian nuclear deal America can be free from a potential direct threat of nuclear weapons. However, this step is not fully run smoothly because the negotiation was challenged by the US strategic ally, Saudi Arabia and Israel, both criticized the policy of the White House as an error. Behind security considerations, economic factor also played significant role in sealing the deal. What are the main reasons and dynamics behind the deal? This paper intends to review these dynamics by elaborating prominent reports and research findings.

Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party. ; Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.

This research is to find out the basis of the power possessed so that the actors in sand mining are called elites. Besides that, it is also to find out the capacity of the elites and the relationship patterns that are run by these elites. The method used is an approach to collect data and analyze data, in the form of data collection through observation and interviews. While the data analysis uses the Miles and Huberman model, using phases, data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification. The results showed the elite stratification in sand mining in Jambu Hamlet, namely The Big Bourgeoisie/Upper Class consisting of land owners and equipment owners and local government at the highest level (provincial), The Petty Bourgeoise/ Middle Class consisting of Operators, Helpers, Managers, The foreman, the land owner community, the head of the coker group, the local government, the working class/lower class consisting of the coker and the community. However, judging from the capacity of the ruling elite, the existence of elite rulers is in the classification of the petty bourgeois ruling class or the middle class because managers as elite determinants and management decision making are extensions of entrepreneurs who have business interests. So that the pattern relationship shows the regularity of sand mining management which develops intensive communication between entrepreneurs and managers so that there is no visible conflict about results.

In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance. ; In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance.

This research will examine the double standards of US foreign policy against the coup in Egypt in 2013, given that the US intervention against the Middle East region is very dominant. Attention and the US response be different in response to the case of the coup in Egypt. US seemed to not make this case as a priority despite the coup led to the violation of human rights and democracy. The response shown by the US is very different compared to the US intervention against Iraq and Libya are rated US itself as defending human rights and democracy in the region. The purpose of this research is to find out why the US double standards in its foreign policy related to the Egyptian coup. Data will be explored through literature method (library research). Overall the data will be correlated with foreign political theory of rational actor models that can explain the reason for choosing the attitude of the US double standard in a coup in Egypt in 2013 based on the selection and cost-benefit considerations on the measures taken. The results of this paper indicate that the indication of the double standards shown by the US to Egypt coup influenced by the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) as a political Islam that could interfere with the stability and US interests in the Middle East. Some of the options and the consequences have been considered by the US in response to the case, including participating ignoring their violations of democracy and human rights in the case even though it was contrary to the foundations and principles of US foreign policy. Another indication that support multiple standards is the response of US allies in the Middle East, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates who consider IM as a threat to the stability and the Middle East region. Keywords: US double standards, US foreign policy, coup Egypt, political Islam, Muslim Brotherhood Penelitian ini akan mengkaji standar ganda politik luar negeri Amerika Serikat terhadap kudeta di Mesir tahun 2013, mengingat bahwa intervensi AS terhadap kawasan Timur Tengah sangat dominan. Perhatian dan respon AS terlihat berbeda dalam menanggapi kasus kudeta di Mesir. AS seolah tidak membuat kasus ini sebagai prioritas walaupun kudeta tersebut berujung pada pelanggaran HAM dan demokrasi. Respon yang diperlihatkan oleh AS sangat berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan intervensi AS terhadap Irak dan Libya yang dinilai AS sendiri sebagai upaya penegakan HAM dan demokrasi di kawasan tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mencari tahu mengapa AS bersikap standar ganda dalam politik luar negerinya terkait dengan kudeta Mesir. Data akan ditelaah melalui metode kepustakaan. Keseluruhan data akan dikorelasikan dengan teori politik luar negeri model aktor rasional yang dapat memaparkan alasan AS untuk memilih sikap standar ganda dalam kudeta Mesir 2013 berdasarkan pemilihan dan pertimbangan untung-rugi atas tindakan yang telah diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indikasi standar ganda yang diperlihatkan oleh AS terhadap kudeta Mesir dipengaruhi oleh kemenangan Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) sebagai political Islamyang dapat mengganggu stabilitas dan kepentingan AS di Timur Tengah. Beberapa pilihan dan konsekuensi telah dipertimbangkan oleh AS dalam merespon kasus ini, termasuk ikut mengabaikan adanya pelanggaran demokrasi dan HAM dalam kasus tersebut walaupun hal tersebut bertentangan dengan landasan dan prinsip politik luar negeri AS. Indikasi lain yang mendukung standar ganda ialah respon sekutu AS di Timur Tengah, seperti: Israel, Arab Saudi, dan Uni Emirat Arab yang menganggap IM sebagai ancaman bagi stabilitas dan kawasan Timur Tengah. Kata kunci: standar ganda AS, politik luar negeri AS, kudeta Mesir, politik Islam, Ikhwanul Muslimin

The policy for imposing 0% (zero-percent) Land and Building Title Acquisition Fee in DKI Jakarta Province under Governor Regulation Number 126 of 2017 has been implemented for a period of 4 (four) years. In practice there have been found various advantages and weaknesses in the course of policy implementation. This study aims to describe the result of the evaluation on the implementation of the policy imposing zero-percent of Tax Object Acquisition Value (BPHTB). This study used qualitative descriptive method which suggests the explanation and understanding of the phenomenon in the grant of tax incentive. The outcome from the study reveals that the benefit from the policy is the ease of tax burden for the lower middle class communities to own house in DKI Jakarta and to encourage the acceleration of the land certification. The policy implementation also however implies that many taxpayers avoid the tax by using loophole in the Governor Regulation to enjoy this tax facility.

Technological developments are booming. Game or game use is particularly helpful in the learning process. At a time when materials are familiar with the countries of asean students will be more likely to get bored because the state map introduction, the capital and naturalness are only in the books, the need for a learning medium to be used by teachers so that students do not get bored quickly. The purpose of research is to make teachers easier in delivery of materials and easier students to study asean's introduction materials. The educational game was developed using multimedia development life cycle, as the result of the MDLC method (multimedia development life cycle), a introduction to countries in the asean program that matches the 2013 curriculum. The survey of 30 respondents scored an average of 92.19%, thereby falls into a category strongly in favor of the "educational introduction to asean state for siosswa middle school vii for android based" to be adopted as an alternative medium

The Prosperous and Justice Party or Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) is one of the parties different from a political party most, and more than that it can be seen that PKS is coming from the Muslim community in Indonesia. In the current development of Indonesian political parties, there is an impression that ideology of Indonesian political partis are moving to the middle. PKS has choosen to be an open political party or it can understood PKS is now determined to be one of the pluralistic parties who adopt pluralism and the diversity. This research wants to examine the value behind an opened ideology by Regional Council (DPW) of PKS in West Java in political communication perspective. Qualitative approach is used with ethnographic sudy. Data are collected by observations, interviews and documentary study on the internal and external informants of PKS. The result shows that opened ideology of DPW PKS of West Java are based on three values: ideological value, sociological value, and political value.

AbstractThe continue phenomenon of fuel prices increasing in Indonesia arealways both between the two sides (there are government andcommunity). Debating the agree side and disagree side of being the maincontents of the escort policies. But we know the socio-economicscondition of 'tragic' Indonesia be raised expenditures greater thanrevenues, while expenditure was only focused on subsidies ofenergywhich unfortunatelymore widely used by the upper middle classsociety rather than small communities. Besides external factors that affectthe pattern of the domestic politics of oil policy. In the position of theeconomic dilemma, the government apllying the economic logic of "ParetoOptimum ", it's meanthat the transfering of enjoyment to be fair, but it isn'tonly focusing only on short-term policies, but also followed byreconstruction the quality of sustainable development. And Ibn Taimiyyahas one of the Islamic Economic Thinkers, which one of the legacyof thesocio- economicjustice concept to be analysis study and be the counter ofthe phenomenon of rising fuel prices and Compensation Package, as wellas to macroeconomic conditions in Indonesia.Keywords : Oil Politics, the rising prices of fuel and fuel subsidies, fuelcompensation package, The Conception of Socio-Economic Justice fromIbn Taimiyyah.

Development of Indonesian national law should not leave attention to development of legal plurality as its source. Focus of this study is to see the influence of Indonesian social factors on the development of Islamic law and how Islamic law can be integratively transformed into the National Law. By qualitative method and socio-legal approach and constructivism paradigm, this study bases on theories of social change influeces on Islamic law law without leaving methodology of usul fiqh and the sources of Islamic law. Islamic law has broad opportunity and experiences to be integratively transformed into national law within Indonesia's own character. Transformation can be done in the whole structure of Islamic law including its values of philosophy, principles and norms, and can be performed in all areas, both private and public Law, written law by political power and unwritten law with cultural approach. However, Islamic law as one of the Indonesia living laws and the sources of National law, still today is viewed in dichotomy to the National law and only transformed in limited norms. There are many obstacles to be transformed into national law integratively and widely, though Islamic law has wide space of interpretation and intellectualism that can adapt to different contexts and National law.

Institutional sustainability of Irrigation Organizations of Subak that Experiencing Land Conversions: A Case Study of Subak of Padang Tegal, Sub-District of Ubud, Gianyar RegencyThe high land conversions to other uses in Bali have made the agricultural sector should begin to be aware, especially the agricultural stakeholders in the tourist destination. This study aimed to determine the sustainability of institution in the Subak of Padang Tegal, and to find out the life of farmers as members of Subak of Padang Tegal, Sub-District of Ubud. The scope of this study encompasses institutional continuity in Subak that undergoing conversion to other uses. In addition, this study analyzed the life of the farmer members of Subak Padang Tegal who remained carry out activities in the Subak. This study used qualitative descriptive analysis. The research results showed that institutional sustainability in the Subak of Padang Tegal can still run well. The institutional scores achieved before the trends of land conversion to other uses occurred was 83.8% and only 1.1% decline in institutional water control system at this time. The farmers' life as members of Subak of Padang Tegal was in middle category. Although still in the good category, it is expected that the institutional Subak of Padang Tegal should be maintained both from internal and external factors.

Interfaith dialogue has not gained a strategic place in the context of the study of international relations yet, even though its existence has practically provided new dynamics in the constellation of contemporary international relations. Not only that, interfaith dialogue also has sufficient theoretical urgency as a academics study that needs to be continuously developed. The debate between realism and idealism continues to develop in contemporary international relations studies. This development is influenced by the expansion of the meaning of actors who not only talk about state actors but also non-state actors, the expansion of the issues was originally focused on hard political issues but also focus to the discussion on low political issues, as well as how the interaction between actors with the religious discussion of these issues has created varied patterns of relations between actors in the study of international relations. This study attempts to place the phenomenon of interfaith dialogue theoretically in the study of international relations through a rational perspective, by seeking a middle ground between the realism and idealism debates. The English School approach, foreign policy, and diplomacy will try to be presented so that the theoretical position of inter-religious dialogue will become clear as a phenomenon that continues to develop in the study of international relations. The importance of this research is to provide the possibility of a wider variety of studies in the context of international relations, so that the existence of international relations as a scientific discipline can be optimized for its contribution to analyzing social phenomena across national borders that occur and growing.

UU Number 22 and 25, 1999 about local government and financial balancing between central and local government, concerning about, the rule of decentralization and autonomy in making local budget for revenues and expenditure. Budgeting process is considered very important and concerned many different parties. Not only top managers but olso lower and middle manager play a vital role in making and evaluating some alternatives plan of the budgetr objectives. Budgeting always been used as the indicator of manager's performance (Kren, 1992). Miah and Mia (1996), stated the empowerment and responsibility given from top to lower management level will biring about more cosequnecies of responsibility from lower manager toward the implementation of the decision that has been made. This research analysis the interaction and decentralization and the influence of participation in budgeting abd decentralization toward the performance of Dinas Pemerintah Kota Banjarbaru. The sample taken for this research is Dinas Pemerintah Kota Banjarbaru .Analysis unit used in this research are the chairman of government officer (kepala bagian), the chairman of division officer (kepala bagian) and the charmain of field officer (kepala bidang). From 56 questionaires that that have been sent, there 47 respondents have fullfillied, buat only 42 questionaires that are accepted and considered reliable to be analyzed in this research.Using simple in this research emprically this research result shows that participation in budgeting and decentralization signicantly influence the partisipation in budgeting and decentralization positive interaction between them. Meanwhile using multiple regression, empirically the research result shows that budgeting and decentralization variables all together signicantly do not influence the performance of the governmental bureaus (Dinas Pemerintah Kota Banjarmasin).

AbstractResearch, regulation and development of this press researched to deepen the development of the mass media is so dynamic in Indonesia. Those who want to delve into the media and political power in Indonesia and how to act in favor of the power to be used as a tool to build community in the era of Soeharto. The study examines how the press system established under a political system that is referred to as the basic media Indonesia between 1966 and 1973. To achieve the goal of the study, investigation was made on the press and the factors that influence the formation of a press system using an approach through the analysis of historical research documents and in-depth interviews. The results showed that the formation of the media system is based on a process of consciously designed to conform to the philosophy and values practiced by the manager, who went on to become Indonesia's national policy. The planned process is essentially cultural values such as "collaboration", the spirit of harmony, harmony, balance, and obedience. Press system formation process is done through persuasion and consensus made during the meeting, which was later used as a tool to control the activities of the press in Indonesia. The study also found some dominant factor affecting the development of the media system that includes socio-cultural, political and economic. The results showed that from 1966 to 1973, the government supports the aspiration to form a healthy media system, free and responsible as well as build a sense of family planning in line with the direction of the government's political ideology. Policies formed the basis for formulation of media system in Indonesia based on Pancasila. While from 1966-1973 the press laws No.4 / 1967 into force on the development of media freedom, justice and freedom. Keywords: Regulation, Development, Press, authoriter