The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.
This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.
This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.
This article analyzes the role of political rhetoric in social interaction with the public on the internet when considering public issues. Today Facebook, a new platform for political communication, is seen as a media platform where citizens are provided with abundant information about politics and society. During the transformation period, a political leader becomes the most important direct reporter for his electorate. The language of a politician is like the politician's "product," which is personally produced and sold in the "market of virtual society." The language of a politician is their identity. As the media of social network is not editorial, the politicians themselves are responsible for the broadcast of personal rhetoric as well as telling and creating confidence in politics. This article presents a qualitative research. It includes the analysis of the rhetoric of Ingrida Šimonytė, a member of the Seimas of Lithuania of the 2016–2020 term, who is also a former Minister of Finance, while constructing her self-representation to the "friends" found on the social network on her personal Facebook account. During the research, it was established that Ingrida Šimonytė's rhetoric on discussed public issues include the following topics: a) Criticism of personalities of the governing majority; b) Criticism of her colleagues – members of the Seimas; c) Tax, state treasury issues; d) Issues with the city of Vilnius. The way that issues are framed by the member of the Seimas provides a rich arsenal of rhetorical arguments: ranging from authentic sentences to rough, non-standard vocabulary. The verbal ethos of Ingrida Šimonytė as a speaker is ironic, and the shared information of private nature is also full of auto-irony.
This article reveals historical circumstances of how the freedom of economic activity was formed and how it was incorporated into the Lithuanian constitutional law. The article indicates and describes general global circumstances that formed the freedom of economic activity (considering the influence of mercantilism), and it focuses on the more significant ideas of the classical liberal theory of economics that influenced the emergence of economic freedom the most positively. After discussing the formation of economic freedom in the world, the article describes circumstances that influenced its entrenchment in the Lithuanian constitutional law after the restoration of independence. The study showed that after the restoration of independence in the Republic of Lithuania, there was a need for the new Constitution, which was dictated by statehood, democracy, and free-market. The variety of Constitution projects by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, various political parties, associations, and academics shows that there were various opinions on the structure of state and the legal status of an individual. However, thoughts on economic freedom were the same: it was intended to guarantee freedom for economic entities in order to choose and engage in economic activity, and the state should execute a protective function – to regulate the process of economic activity in such way, so that it would guarantee its freedom – rather than regulate the market. Considering the ideas of economic liberalism, the Constitution of 1992 emphasized limited constitutional power the state government in the field of economy, determining its competencies, constitutional balance, and cooperation with economic entities; it constitutionally entrenched rights and freedoms of economic entities, their defense methods.
This article reveals historical circumstances of how the freedom of economic activity was formed and how it was incorporated into the Lithuanian constitutional law. The article indicates and describes general global circumstances that formed the freedom of economic activity (considering the influence of mercantilism), and it focuses on the more significant ideas of the classical liberal theory of economics that influenced the emergence of economic freedom the most positively. After discussing the formation of economic freedom in the world, the article describes circumstances that influenced its entrenchment in the Lithuanian constitutional law after the restoration of independence. The study showed that after the restoration of independence in the Republic of Lithuania, there was a need for the new Constitution, which was dictated by statehood, democracy, and free-market. The variety of Constitution projects by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, various political parties, associations, and academics shows that there were various opinions on the structure of state and the legal status of an individual. However, thoughts on economic freedom were the same: it was intended to guarantee freedom for economic entities in order to choose and engage in economic activity, and the state should execute a protective function – to regulate the process of economic activity in such way, so that it would guarantee its freedom – rather than regulate the market. Considering the ideas of economic liberalism, the Constitution of 1992 emphasized limited constitutional power the state government in the field of economy, determining its competencies, constitutional balance, and cooperation with economic entities; it constitutionally entrenched rights and freedoms of economic entities, their defense methods.
