Muslim Political Activity in Transitional Myanmar
In: Islam and the State in Myanmar, S. 99-126
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In: Islam and the State in Myanmar, S. 99-126
In: Terrorism and Violent Conflict; SpringerBriefs in Political Science, S. 33-50
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In: What is Political Theory?, S. 80-102
Analyzes interest group politics, ie, forms of political activity & policy influence, under Canada's Charter of Rights & Freedoms. Certain interest groups' interaction, intervention, & arguments concerning the "hate speech" case of R. v. Keegstra are examined for insight to interest group politics in Charter litigation. The impact of the Canadian Supreme Court on liberal & postliberal interest group politics is evaluated. 2 Tables. L. Collins Leigh
The introduction of a "new" media has resulted in the inability to distinguish between political activity & cultural activity. Consequently, the postmodern view of politics has been substantially altered & self-conscious political activity has literally become popular culture. Politicians themselves have become TV personalities -- even celebrities, as evidenced by the cases of the Do It video & Tony Blair's 1997 appearance on the Des O'Connor Show. The two examples prove that politics has adopted the techniques of the popular mass media to communicate its message. Though this trend may work to trivialize political matters, the use of the mass media can also have positive effects on democracy. 23 References. K. A. Larsen
In: Aftermaths of War, S. 287-306
Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth
Provides a theoretical framework for studying variation in the causes & consequences of the political activity of clergy by drawing upon research in two areas: the effects of religious beliefs on political behavior & the impact of voluntary organizations on democratic citizenship. It is noted that the current knowledge about clergy's political choices focuses on the importance of a coherent "social theology"; the availability of a credible source of religious authority; & possession of the skills needed for effective participation in political activism. The consequences of clergy's political activity for members of their congregations are examined in terms of "conversion" (persuading congregation members that a particular political position is correct); agenda setting (pointing out the religious implications of various issues); & empowerment (imparting political skills to individuals through congregational activities). In spite of an array of political resources, clergy function under substantial political, cultural, & theological constraints & the political roles of clergy vary across time, place, & congregation. J. Lindroth
In: Kultur und Gesellschaft: Verhandlungen des 24. Deutschen Soziologentags, des 11. Österreichischen Soziologentags und des 8. Kongresses der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie in Zürich 1988, S. 329-345
Es wird nach den Motiven und Bedingungen gefragt, warum erwachsene Menschen an wahlähnliche Prozeduren in Unterhaltungssendungen des deutschen Fernsehens teilnehmen oder als Zuschauer teilhaben. Gemeint sind solche Sendungen wie "Wetten das", "Pro und Contra", "Wie würden sie entscheiden", "Rudi-Carell-Show" und andere Quiz-Sendungen. Gefragt wird, warum erwachsene Menschen in ganz selbstverständlicher Weise einen ursprünglich auf den gesellschaftlichen Rahmen des politisch verantwortlichen Entscheidens bezogenen Handlungstypus - den des Wählens - in der neuen Rahmung von Unterhaltungsveranstaltungen nicht nur akzeptieren, sondern auch zu genießen scheinen. Ein Motiv wird in der Inszenierung von Gesellschaft gesehen, einer Gesellschaft mit Konkurrenten ohne Konkurrenz. Weiterhin wird das Wählen, das Entscheiden über andere, in entlasteten, entscheidungsfreien Spielsituationen genossen, weil es Freiheits- und Verfügbarkeitsräume zu öffnen scheint. Es wird der Zusammenhang zu politischen Wahlen hergestellt, die nicht zufällig in den Medien mittlerweile so wie Unterhaltungssendungen inszeniert werden. (GF)
Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth
Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth
Data for an analysis of political participation among South Baptist ministers were drawn from a 1996 survey completed by 361 ministers that addressed 24 activity items & various perspectives. Special attention was given to four sources of activism: personal resources; professional ideology; issue mobilization; & organizational activity. A series of multiple ordinary least squares regression analyses, followed by a final regression analysis, showed that social class background, current social class, & educational attainment had no impact on political activism. A minister's approval of political activity was the factor that contributed the most to clergy activism; however, concern about moral issues, political interest, strength of conservative convictions, & strong preference for the Republican party were contributory factors. There was also indication of organizational influences, especially on the part of members of the Christian Coalition, & greater political participation by ministers from larger churches or those whose members approved of their political involvement. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth