Suchergebnisse

1. Whatever the "minimum democratic ethic" may be, the question points, ultimately and definitively, to the relationship between ethics and democracy, which has historically occurred both on the practical level, of politics as activity, as in the theoretical plane, either of moral sciences or political sciences. Considering that, from the point of view of logic, the term constitutes the manifestation of the concept, it becomes natural to begin with the analytical approach to the problem and, consequently, to determine preliminarily what is to be understood by "ethics" and what by "democracy". ". ; 1. Sea lo que fuere "la ética mínima democrática", la cuestión apunta, en último y definitivo termino, a la relación entre la ética y la democracia, que históricamente se ha dado tanto en el plano práctico, de la política como actividad, cuanto en el plano teórico, ya sea de las Ciencias morales o de las Ciencias políticas. Considerando que, desde el punto de vista de la lógica, el término constituye la manifestación del concepto, se hace natural comenzar con el approach analítico del problema y, consiguientemente, determinar preliminarmente qué se va a entender por "ética" y qué por "democracia".

According to forty year's worth of research, dissent always increases repression whereas state coercive behavior has a range of different influences on dissident activity. If the outcome of government action is uncertain, why do authorities continue to apply repression? We explore this "puzzle of repressive persistence" using official records of U.S. government activities against the Republic of New Africa, a Black Nationalist organization active in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In particular, we investigate three proposed answers to the puzzle: repression is effective but in a way not currently considered; repression functions by mechanisms not hitherto considered by quantitative researchers; or those who use repression are not actually interested in eliminating dissent. We find that persistence in this case can be attributed to: 1) a long-term plan to eliminate challengers deemed threatening to the U.S. political-economy and 2) the influence of particular agents of repression engaged in a crusade against Black radicals. Both factors increased the likelihood of continued coercion despite short-term failure; indeed such an outcome actually called for additional repressive action. These insights open up a new area of research for conflict scholars interested in occurrence, persistence and escalation. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with political activity of the prominent member of Ukrainian liberation movement of the middle of XX century Vasyl' Okhrymovych in Ukrainian underground after the WWII and its arrest, imprisonment in MGB prisons and pleading of a criminal cause over him by the Soviet officers of MVD-MGB after it.Through a person's fate I expose peculiarity of armed underground in the last years of its existence, attitude toward split in the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalist (abroad), to next operations of it in Ukraine and abroad, the behavior of the active member of the struggle during imprisonment.I keep up with activities of the leading members of the liberation movement in their connections with the person this article is about. Attitudes by these persons towards events in Ukraine and abroad is accounted with fate of V. Okhrymovych. I point out that hero of this article would be a mediator in resolving the problems of split of the OUN abroad, but his mission was not completed as planned.During his underground activity V. Okhrymovych wrote some articles on the historical topics that were planned for distribution among members of revolutionary movement. He met with the leader of the last, Vasyl Kuk and they discussed the present situation in underground. V. Okhrymovych also met with Petro Poltava, Roman Koval'chuk-others prominent figures of the Ukrainian liberation movement. They iscussed the results and problems of struggle against Soviets, situation in the world, Ukrainian political emigration on the West. In essay I wanted to represent the perspectives of the liberation movements by its leadership. Especially interesting for it is opinion of V.Kuk delivered to V. Okhrymovych when he was in the MGB's prison. V. Okhrymovych was captured by MGB unit in early October of 1952.Author strive to comprehend tragedy of the individual and revolutionary which was trapped by MGB, its reaction on the provocative methods of the latter. So, MVD-MGB forced Okhrymovych to take part some time in their radio links with part of OUN abroad. The materials of this criminal file contain information about relations inside Ukrainian, Polish emigrations too. V. Okhrymovych was sentenced martial court to death and was shot in May of 1954.By the materials of this criminal file is confirmed additionally the reality and problems of split in OUN abroad presented by its participant, absence of such split in the underground in Ukraine. ; У статті розглянуто діяльність Василя Охримовича в Україні у післявоєнний період і перебування ув'язненні. Досліджено обставини арешту і слідства над В. Охримовичем, викладено особливості діяльності збройного підпілля в останній період його існування через долю особи, яка протягом років відігравала важливу роль в українському визвольному русі. Простежено деталі взаємодії провідних членів визвольного руху з В. Охримовичем, ставлення цих людей до подій в Україні і за кордоном. З'ясовано, що герой статті мав виступати як посередник у справі розв'язання проблеми розколу в ОУН за кордоном, але ця справа не була ним вповні завершена. Автор спробував збагнути трагедію людини, яка попала в руки МГБ. Матеріали кримінальної справи дають додатову інформацію про розкол в ОУН за кордоном й свідчать про відсутність розбіжностей у підпіллі в Україні. Стаття написана на основі матеріалів Галузевого державного архіву Служби безпеки України, що дає змогу окрім відтворення історичного портрету одного з чільних діячів ОУН-Б, реконструювати окремі епізоди українського національно-визвольного руху.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the role of the religious factor in the development of the sub-ethnic national movement studying the case of the Kryashens. The study is based on Jose Casanova's concept of the religious revival. Following Casanova, the author assumes that religious identity can become the basis of an ethnic identity only if religion transforms from a state-oriented institution into an institution oriented towards the society and actively participating in its improvement. At the same time, revealing the dynamic nature of the formation of the (sub)ethnic groups, the author relies on the ethnosymbolic concept of John Hutchinson, which focuses on the importance of the ethnically significant symbols. In the case of the Kryashens a religious marker represents such a symbol. The article examines in detail two stages of the Kryashens' religious revival. The first stage occurred in the second half of the 19th century and was associated primarily with the missionary activity of Nikolay Ilminsky. The second stage started in 1989 and continues today. The research carried out by the author lends unequivocal support to the idea that religion played a key role in the formation of an original Kryashen ethno-cultural identity. At the same time, it shows that within Kryashens' religiosity the vector is directed from society to religion rather than from religion to society. Their religious identity is instrumental. However, although there are very few ultra-religious people in the Kryashen community and most of the Kryashens are secularized, religion remains one of the most important markers of their ethnic identity.

This article measures the attitude of Russian youth towards state-imposed restrictions on the dissemination of information on the Internet, social media, and instant messengers, based on the level of media consumption and threats of destructive influence. Based on an online survey of the target audience, security problems of the digital communications environment, in which illegal and immoral content is widespread, are identified. The study substantively defines the attitude of young people to the creation of a "sovereign Internet" and a digital profile of a Russian citizen, to the introduction of a social rating, the "right to be forgotten," and personal identification of users, to the prohibition of fake news and insults to the authorities. Also, the attitude of young people to the blocking of digital resources by state bodies, in particular the Telegram messenger, is discussed. The author defines the ratio of supporters of the introduction of severe restrictions, supporters of electoral restrictions and opponents of restrictions among young users of digital communications. In addition, the study revealed the preferences of young people regarding possible regulators of the rules of conduct in the digital environment. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that the online environment is not perceived by young people as a safe space for everyday activity. Most of respondents regularly encounter various negative effects of network structures. At the same time, the introduction of more stringent Internet regulation is a debatable issue. Young people are inclined to support only several initiatives, critically evaluating the politicization of this process, perceiving it as a mechanism for strengthening state control over society. Given the high heterogeneity of the modern «digital generation», the author actualizes the problem of manipulative influence and external information threats.

The article is devoted to the concept of "governmentality", a term introduced by Michel Foucault, as well as the form of its implementation on feedback services implemented today in Russian regions within the framework of the national program "Digital economy of the Russian Federation". The governmentality of regional portals is expressed in the structure of user motivation, the most powerful component of which, in terms of its impact on the audience, is the construction of an image of the future and the strengthening of the imbalance between the present and the future. Such a mechanism for artificially breaking time continuums is also used to strengthen the role and significance of citizens' identity. In addition, new digital channels of participation actively en- courage citizens to promote and interact with public authorities, i.e. to create or maintain declared institutions of interaction. Finally, portal motivation technologies are presented as a range of gamification methods that are also used to engage citizens. The described structure of motivation of regional portals is presented in the article as a "motivation funnel". At the same time, the behavior of users is determined not so much by the structure of motivation presented on the portals, but by their consent to participate and trust in the communicant, i.e., in actors and institutions of power. The basic component of user engagement is agreement with at least one component of the governmentality of digital feedback services. Increasing user activity is possible by agreeing with the eco-urban theme of sites, as well as by increasing confidence in federal authorities, while increasing confidence in the authorities may occur due to trust in the "organizers" of new services — the actors responsible for the development, implementation and support of portals. The article presents a diagram of user behavior in the form of a graph and an epistemic matrix.

The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.

This article examines users' situational reasons and potential motives for leaving a comment on an online news item. In a 3-phase analysis, users' background factors, such as gender and political standings, were considered. The analysis indicates that there are preferred reasons for commenting. These are connected to 6 identified motives (e.g., societal discussion). Furthermore, 7 related user types were determined and examined. Overall, users and their reasons and motives for commenting vary, and background factors, especially activity and political standings, might explain the differences. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

In the article the basic approaches of elements of the political system from point of their functional loading and algorithms of political institute's, activity, their polyfunctionality and logic of realization are analysis. ; В статье рассматриваются основные подходы к анализу элементов политической системы с точки зрения их функциональной загрузки и алгоритмов деятельности политических институтов, показана их полифункциональность и логика реализации. ; У статті розглядаються основі підходи до аналізу елементів політичної системи з точки зору їх функціонального навантаження та алгоритмів діяльності політичних інститутів, показана їх поліфункціональність и логіка реалізації.

В статье дается определение понятия «политическое участие», выявлены изменения в тенденциях включенности молодежи в политическую жизнь России. Обосновывается необходимость дальнейшего исследования новых форм и мотивов участия с целью придания этой деятельности формальных практик и непосредственной включенности в политическую действительность. ; In the article definition of the political participation concept is given. The author analyzes changes in tendencies in the youth participation into the Russian political life and articulates the need for the further research of new forms and motives of participation in order to give the formal practices to this activity.

В статье обозначена структура российских политико-организационных механизмов регулирования экономических отношений, выделяются проблемы функционирования государственных институтов как ключевых инструментов регулирования экономики, предлагаются политические способы совершенствования деятельности органов федеральной исполнительной власти, реализующих интересы государства в экономической сфере. ; The author emphasizes the structure of the Russian political-organizational mechanisms of economic relations regulation, reveals the problems of state institutions functioning as the key instruments of economy regulation, and suggests the political ways of improving the federal executive authorities' activity implementing the interests of the state in economic sphere.

В статье дается анализ места и роли политических рисков в экономической деятельности в условиях глобализации на наднациональном и национальном уровнях. Основное внимание сконцентрировано на выявлении и анализе важнейших характеристик политических рисков, причин их возникновения, форм и мер нейтрализации их негативных последствий.The article analyzes the place and role of political risk in economic activity in the context of globalization at the supranational and national levels. The main attention is focused on identifying and analyzing the major characteristics of political risks, their causes, forms and measures to neutralize their negative effects.

ABSTRACTThis paper provides a critical review of current trends within social work research methodology. The paper identifies three influential contemporary perspectives in social work research: empirical practice, pragmatism and participatory/critical research. It identifies the different approaches taken by each perspective to what should be researched, how it should be researched, and how truth claims should be evaluated. By exploring the linkages between methodology, social work and wider social and political changes, the paper argues that research is an intensely political rather than a neutral activity.

When and in what way does it make sense to think of philosophical and scientific activity or simply the act of thinking as acts of resistance to political corruption? This article examines Eric Voegelin's extended answer to that question. Voegelin gradually developed a conception of scientific inquiry that distinguished between science, philosophy, and the wider context within which these activities take place. He showed thereby that scientific inquiry may be a valuable form of political resistance, without its practitioners being fully aware philosophically of what they are doing

Seeking to explore the nature of European far-right online ecosystems, this research report examines the outlinking activity of identified pro-far-right users among the followers of the official Twitter accounts of two prominent far-right European political parties, Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and France's Rassemblement National (RN). Employing a three-layered analysis, the report explores not just the top-level domains outlinked to by its sample of AfD and RN Twitter followers but combines this with analysis of the technical specifications of the content types outlinked to and treatment of the socio-political nature of the content arrived at by clicking on the most tweeted URLs. This results in the provision of a more thorough and cohesive view of this online ecosystem than contained in other similar studies.