Beirut, today, is a giant construction site. Over the past 25 years, the Lebanese metropolis has experienced a property-led (re)development process that has gone far beyond the controversial downtown megaproject, Solidere, initiated just after the country emerged from civil war. Its most conspicuous manifestations are the proliferation of condominium towers, the three-digit inflation of land and real estate prices, and the unprecedented growth of mortgage-based homeownership. The objective of this thesis is to unravel the mystery of this post-war property frenzy by identifying the major drivers, mechanisms and agents that underlie a financialized trajectory of urban change, a trajectory clearly embedded in globalized circuits of capital and people. To do so, it develops an institution-based and regulation-inspired investigation that reveals, by means of a concept I have termed 'pegged urbanization,' the interdependance of Beirut's urban production and the amplification and reproduction of Lebanon's rentier and finance-led form of capitalism. This shows the nature, intensity and features of the city's development activity to be, first and foremost, socially produced phenomena shaped by the post-1990 recovery and the growth strategy intended to restore the country's position as a financial hub in the Middle East. The thesis begins with an explanation of its plurilevel and multidisciplinary theoretical social science framework. It then introduces the work's key conceptual contribution, the regulation-urbanization nexus of post-war Lebanon's political economy in which the property market, through its financing of both demand and supply, is the peg. The market, more specifically, is conceptualized as an institution of regulation governed through the state by local elites in order to stimulate economic growth and secure short-term financial and monetary stability. In contrast to mainstream beliefs in the failure of the Lebanese state and the spontaneous and self-adjusting character of supply and demand, the local ...
Поступила в редакцию 12.02.2019. Принята к печати 18.04.2019. ; Submitted on 12 February, 2019. Accepted on 18 April, 2019. ; С опорой на публицистический материал русской, монгольской, финской прессы рассматриваются особенности метафорического использования языковых средств, вербализирующих элементы кулинарно-гастрономической сферы в политическом дискурсе. Употребление рус. кухня, монг. гал тогоо 'кухня', фин. keittiö 'то же' в переносном значении, закрепленное в толковых словарях, дает основу для доказательства универсальности бытовой артефактной метафоры в разных языках. Популярность метафоры кухни как средства концептуализации политической жизни объясняется тем, что кухня и политика — сферы жизнедеятельности, где процесс приготовления пищи, с одной стороны, и проведение самостоятельной политики и принятия решений по каким-либо важным вопросам — с другой, — представляют собой сложное по своей природе явление, требующее определенного мастерства и профессионализма. В результате действий, скрытых от внимания непосвященных, готовится некое «блюдо», качественно не похожее на первоначальный набор исходных компонентов. Интенсивность политической жизни передается «температурными» лексемами разных частей речи: глаголами «варить», «вариться», «кипеть», «бурлить», «пениться», «ошпариться»; существительными «огонь», «кипяток», «пар»; прилагательными и причастиями: «горячий», «раскаленный», «бурлящий». Универсальные блюда всех политических кухонь — «каша» и «суп», приготовление которых связано с беспорядочным смешиванием ингредиентов в кипящем состоянии, характеризуют сложность и неконтролируемость активной политической жизни. Анализируемая модель обладает мощным аксиологическим потенциалом. Кухня как компонент мира повседневности часто выступает как изнанка бытия, непривлекательная для посторонних глаз, формируя негативную характеристику политической деятельности, связанной с неблаговидными поступками и нечистоплотными делами людей, вовлеченных в политический процесс. Кулинарно-гастрономическая метафора вовлекает в свой дискурс также метафору грязи, что усиливает негативную характеристику политической деятельности. ; Referring to journalistic materials of the Russian, Mongolian, and Finnish press, the authors consider the features of the metaphorical use of language means that verbalise the elements of the culinary and gastronomic sphere in political discourse. The figurative use of the Rus. кухня, Mong. гал тогоо, Fin. keittiö "kitchen" fixed in explanatory dictionaries provides a basis for proving the universal character of the household artifact metaphor in different languages. The popularity of the kitchen metaphor as a means of conceptualising political life is due to the fact that kitchen and politics are spheres of life where the process of cooking, on the one hand, and conducting independent policies and decision-making on important issues, on the other, are complex phenomena in their nature and require a certain skill and professionalism. As a result of actions hidden from the attention of the uninitiated, a kind of "dish" is prepared, and it is qualitatively different from the original set of ingredients. The intensity of political life is transmitted by "temperature" lexemes of different parts of speech: "cook", "stew", "boil", "seethe", "foam", "scald"; nouns "fire", "boiling water", "steam"; adjectives and participles: "hot", "red-hot", "boiling". Porridge and soup are universal dishes of all the political cuisines and cooking them is connected with the indiscriminate mixing of ingredients in a boiling state and characterising the complexity and uncontrollability of active political life and political seasonings. The model analysed has a powerful axiological potential. Kitchen as a component of the world of everyday life often shows the inside of life, unattractive to prying eyes, forming a negative characteristic of political activities associated with unseemly and unscrupulous deeds of the people involved in the political process. The culinary and gastronomic metaphor involves the metaphor of dirt in its discourse and reinforces the negative characteristic of the political activity. ; Исследование поддержано программой 211 Правительства Российской Федерации, соглашение № 02. A03.21.0006; исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 19-012-00399А «Аксиологический потенциал современной русской метафоры». ; The study was supported by the program 211 of the Government of the Russian Federation, agreement № 02.A03.21.0006; the study was performed with financial support of Russian Foundation for Basic Research, project № 19-012-00399А "Axiological Potential of Modern Russian Metaphor".
In the concept of the internal conflict, Michael Brown explained there are political factors, economic, social, cultural and structural contribute to conflict within a country. The fourth order assist researchers in analyzing the causes of the coup against Moammar Gaddafi in Libya. During the 42-year reign of Moammar Gaddaf, the Libyan people have political issues such as curbs on political activity, political institutional discrimination, exclusive state ideology, significant internal political groups and the role of the political elite that interfere with the freedom of the people. Then economic issues such as economic discrimination, unemployment, and corruption in the Gaddafi's family that give rise to high social inequalities. Coupled with the structural and socio-cultural factors such as discrimination against minorities, gender, and state institutions are not effective as inhibitors of the country's development. Gaddafi uses his own thoughts in undergoing government, by creating the Green Book rules as guidelines for political, economic, and social. Began when the Arab Spring swept Tunisian and Egyptian people who successfully staged a coup against their leader, there arises a sense of longing for the same freedom. Then triggered by the arrest of human rights campaigner who conducted the country's security forces in February 2011 and the blocking of internet sites in the emergence of large demonstrations - demanding the release of their scale and the overthrow of Moammar Gaddafi in the Libyan leadership.
In this biography, Ula Taylor explores the life and ideas of one of the most important, if largely unsung, Pan-African freedom fighters of the twentieth century: Amy Jacques Garvey (1895-1973). Born in Jamaica, Amy Jacques moved in 1917 to Harlem, where she became involved in the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), the largest Pan-African organization of its time. She served as the private secretary of UNIA leader Marcus Garvey; in 1922, they married. Soon after, she began to give speeches and to publish editorials urging black women to participate in the Pan-African movement and addressing issues that affected people of African descent across the globe. After her husband's death in 1940, Jacques Garvey emerged as a gifted organizer for the Pan-African cause. Although she faced considerable male chauvinism, she persisted in creating a distinctive feminist voice within the movement. In her final decades, Jacques Garvey constructed a thriving network of Pan-African contacts, including Nnamdi Azikiwe, Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore, and W. E. B. Du Bois. Taylor examines the many roles Jacques Garvey played throughout her life, as feminist, black nationalist, journalist, daughter, mother, and wife. Tracing her political and intellectual evolution, the book illuminates the leadership and enduring influence of this remarkable activist.
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This paper explores the role played by the production and use of knowledge about international migration – or to be more specific the incompleteness of such knowledge –in driving new forms of EU migration governance. The focus is on the transformation of modes of governance linked to the roles played by instrumental, social and communicative logics of institutional action. The paper shows that, while the key referent for migration governance in Europe remains the state and associated state-centered logics of control, it is now evident that both the understanding of the issues and the pursuit of policy objectives are clearly shaped by the EU. A key reason for this is the role played by uncertainty related not only to the causes and effects of international migration, but also about the actual numbers of international migrants living both regularly and irregularly in EU member states. In contrast to existing approaches that see uncertainty and incomplete knowledge as causes of policy failure, this paper sees uncertainty and incomplete knowledge as creating social and political opportunities for EU action linked to the quest for more and 'better' knowledgewith resultant conceptual and practical space for `transgovernmental' relations among government units working across borders.
In Telltale Women Allison Machlis Meyer challenges established perceptions of source study, historiography, and the staging of gender politics in well-known drama, arguing that narrative historiographers frequently value women's political interventions and use narrative techniques to invest women's voices with authority, while dramatists reshape this source material to create stage representations of royal women that condemn queenship and female power.
การวิจัยนี้มุ่งอธิบายวิธีการจัดการชุมนุมทางการเมืองและกลยุทธ์ที่ใช้ในการชุมนุมของกลุ่มการเมืองต่าง ๆ ในช่วงวิกฤติการณ์การเมืองไทยระหว่างปี พ.ศ. 2548 ถึงปี พ.ศ. 2557 โดยใช้วิธีการสังเกตแบบมีส่วนร่วมรวมทั้งสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึกกับผู้ให้ข้อมูลหลักจำนวน 15 คน ประกอบด้วย แกนนำผู้จัดชุมนุม นักการเมือง และประชาชนผู้เข้าร่วมชุมนุมผลการศึกษาพบว่า การชุมนุมทางการเมืองจะเกิดขึ้นได้นั้นต้องมีประเด็นหรือเงื่อนไขทางการเมืองเกิดขึ้นก่อนเสมอ เมื่อต้องการให้การชุมนุมทางการเมืองประสบผลสำเร็จได้ วิธีการจัดการชุมนุมทางการเมืองควรเริ่มตั้งแต่ การวางแผนและกำหนดเป้าหมายการชุมนุมที่ชัดเจน แกนนำการชุมนุมมีความน่าเชื่อถือและมีประสบการณ์ทางการเมือง มีการระดมผู้เข้าร่วมการชุมนุมอย่างเป็นระบบ สถานที่และทรัพยากรสำหรับใช้การชุมนุมมีพร้อมที่เอื้อต่อการจัดการชุมนุม การจัดการข้อมูลและการสื่อสารที่ครอบคลุม รวดเร็วและถูกต้อง มีมาตรการรักษาความปลอดภัยในการชุมนุมที่รัดกุม และมีงบประมาณที่เพียงพอต่อค่าใช้จ่ายที่เกิดขึ้นระหว่างที่มีการชุมนุม นอกจากนั้น กลยุทธ์ที่เป็นปัจจัยในความสำเร็จของการชุมนุม คือ การเคลื่อนมวลชนที่เป็นระบบ การสร้างวาทกรรม การสื่อสารและการสร้างสถานการณ์เพื่อประโยชน์ของการชุมนุม การศึกษานี้ ผู้วิจัยได้เห็นการเปลี่ยนแปลงที่น่าสนใจที่ว่า แม้การชุมนุมทางการเมืองที่ผ่านมามีภาพสะท้อนถึงความแตกแยกของคนในสังคม แต่อีกด้านก็มองเห็นการตื่นตัวทางการเมืองของประชาชนที่ชัดเจนเช่นกัน อย่างไรก็ตาม หากจะให้ประชาชนมีการแสดงออกทางการเมืองผ่านการชุมนุมทางการเมืองที่มีประสิทธิภาพและมีขอบเขต เห็นว่าประเทศไทยควรมีกฎหมายเกี่ยวกับการจัดการชุมนุมทางการเมือง Political Demonstration ManagementThis research aims to explore the management and strategies, which were employed in the political demonstrations by each political advocate during the prolonged Thai national political crisis (2005 – 2014). The data were collected by conducting the participatory observation and in-depth interview with 15 key informants who have involved and played an important role in the political demonstrations.The result revealed that each public demonstration apparently was created by the political motivation. The mechanisms to pursue the success of demonstration should be as follows: having clear and concrete planning and objective, holding political power and trust, performing political experience, motivating and gathering demonstrators, providing safety and appropriate demonstrating location, managing effective expenditures, having good information and effective communication, and having enough budget. Moreover, the strategy to succeed the political demonstration should have the key persons to mobilize the demonstration, producing the political discourses and making a situation for the benefit of demonstration. Interestingly, researcher found that the having political demonstration is not always indicating the conflicts in our society, in fact, people get alert and responded to political activity. From the findings, researcher suggests that Thailand should have to have the modern Political Demonstration law in order to protect the right of citizens and control the violence.
Through the prism of sociological knowledge, the essential characteristics of risks of identification produced by the modern political process are revealed. In particular, it is shown that in modern society there is a change in the identification practices that are caused by the transformation of general cultural identity, which is based on a new understanding of risk as a product of decision making. It is noted that the political process affects primarily the institutional level of society, through a system of social (and especially political) institutions, influences the process of identification of an individual. It is thanks to the normal functioning of social institutions that the joint cooperative activity of people in groups and organizations is supported. On the basis of such integration, an individual develops a sense of belonging to a social group, which ensures, on the one hand, the subordination of the individual to existing standards, and, on the other, group protection and an assessment and self-assessment system, which, in turn, contributes to maintaining the stability and integrity of society. Disruption of the normal functioning of social institutions leads to a violation of identification processes. A set of conditions for political identification, each of which produces its own risks, is outlined. This is a complicated stratification, multicultural structure of modern society; the influence of computer technologies, mass media and virtual space on the desacralization of power; diminishing interest in meta-ideology and related global political projects; permanent and large-scale updating of the elements of the past; proliferation of militaristic thinking. It is determined that each form of identity corresponds to its set of risks. For example, the risks of ethnic identity are associated with possible exacerbations of contradictions between representatives of different nationalities, which can turn into open clashes. The risks of civic identity are due to the fact that in the civic identity, the following civic qualities such as patriotism, respect and knowledge of the historical past of the country and the maintenance of the state order are at the forefront. The risks of religious identity are determined by the fact that the attitude towards religion mediates behavioral patterns, and accordingly there is a gap between declared religiousness and the practical manifestation of faith. The risks of regional identity demonstrate the superiority of regional interests over the nation-wide, as well as the feeling of their own superiority as a representative of a unique community that can negatively affect interaction with immigrants from other territories. ; Сквозь призму социологического знания раскрыто сущностные характеристики идентификационных рисков, продуцируемых современным политическим процессом. В частности, показано, что в современном обществе происходит изменение идентификационных практик, которые обусловлены трансформацией общекультурной идентичности, в основу которой положено новое понимание риска как продукта принятия решения. Отмечено, что политический процесс затрагивает, прежде всего, институциональный уровень общества, через систему социальных (и особенно политических) институтов влияет на процесс идентификации личности. Именно благодаря нормальному функционированию социальных институтов поддерживается совместная кооперативная деятельность людей в группах и организациях. На основе такой интеграции у индивида формируется чувство принадлежности к социальной группе, которое обеспечивает, с одной стороны, подчинение личности существующим нормам, а, с другой, групповую защиту и систему оценки и самооценки, что, в свою очередь, способствует поддержанию стабильности и целостности общества. Нарушение нормального функционирования социальных институтов ведет к нарушению идентификационных процессов. ; Крізь призму соціологічного знання розкрито сутнісні характеристики ідентифікаційних ризиків, що продукуються сучасним політичним процесом. Зокрема, показано, що в сучасному суспільстві відбувається зміна ідентифікаційних практик, які обумовленні трансформацією загальнокультурної ідентичності, в основу якої покладено нове розуміння ризику як продукту ухвалення рішення. Наголошено, що політичний процес зачіпає, насамперед, інституційний рівень суспільства, який через систему соціальних (і особливо політичних) інститутів впливає на процес ідентифікації особистості. Саме завдяки нормальному функціонуванню соціальних інститутів підтримується спільна кооперативна діяльність людей у групах і організаціях. На основі такої інтеграції у індивіда формується почуття приналежності до соціальної групи, яке забезпечує, з одного боку, підпорядкування особистості існуючим нормам, а, з іншого, груповий захист і систему оцінки та самооцінки, що, в свою чергу, сприяє підтримці стабільності і цілісності суспільства. Порушення нормального функціонування соціальних інститутів веде до порушення ідентифікаційних процесів.
AbstractThis article introduces the special issue on the politics of postcapitalism. Considering the theoretical foundations, empirical perspectives and political ramifications of claims made about a coming 'post‐work' or 'postcapitalist' society, it maps existing debates through a discussion of two key recent texts, Paul Mason's Clear Bright Future and Aaron Bastani's Fully Automated Luxury Communism. It first surveys how the relationship between labour market trends, technological change and wider political‐economic shifts is articulated in the postcapitalist literature. It then explores how concepts from Marx are deployed to depict social relations as a constraint on technological development and its utopian potentialities, leading to political demands for new class actors and electoral blocs centring on the new forms of economic and political activity associated with digital networks. It also considers the role of the state and how this theoretical and political approach envisions historical change, situating utopian visions of an incipient postcapitalist alternative to capitalism within the contemporary political context of authoritarian populism and challenges to liberal democracy. Finally, it explores the continuing relevance of humanism as a critical counterpoint to the social and philosophical agenda of present day 'posthumanism'. It concludes that, in unfavourable political conditions, it would be strategically unwise to stake too much on an over‐optimistic approach to the unfolding future. This outlook, it is suggested, carries considerable risks and consequences for a contemporary left in search of a viable electoral coalition and route back to power.
El presente artículo se propone examinar la actividad política de pastores evangélicos en el Conurbano Bonaerense. El foco analítico se centra en las motivaciones, representaciones y estrategias de estos actores, como así también en sus modalidades de acumulación de capital político. La participación evangélica se fundamenta en una reconsideración de su posición tradicional en torno a la praxis política, y en la articulación de la actividad social desplegada por los pastores con la vida política de los barrios periféricos del Conurbano. El dominio territorial de los líderes evangélicos se configura como su principal fuente de acceso a la arena política y la competencia por cargos públicos. Estas formas de intervención de lo religioso en el espacio público ponen en evidencia la relación dialéctica establecida entre los procesos de reestructuración del campo religioso en Argentina y elementos claves de la cultura política nacional. ; This article intends to examine the political activity of evangelical pastors in the Conurbano Bonaerense. The analysis focuses on the motivations, performances and strategies of these actors, as well as its modalities for accumulation of political capital. The evangelical participation is based on a review of its traditional position around the praxis policy, and in the articulation of the social activity undertaken by the pastors with political life in the suburbs of Area. The territorial domain of the protestant church leaders is set as its main source of access to the political arena and the competition for public office. These forms of intervention of the religious in public space are evidence of the dialectical relationship established between the restructuring processes of the religious field in Argentina and key elements of the national political culture. ; Fil: Carbonelli, Marcos Andres. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Centro de Estudios e Investigaciones Laborales; Argentina
This article begins with an analysis of some theoretical contributions about the conceptualization of body in contemporary societies. These allow us to set a dialogue with the reflective experiences of a group of teenagers about how they learn masculinitiesi in their lives. Phenomenological and political emphasis on the body carried out by Feminists -with the notion of embodiment- have been essential in giving complexity to embodied issues such as gender, race, age, social class (dis)abilities, etc. which not only operate in a relation of power in our selves, but also as a locus of resistance and agency. Queer theory and its deconstruction of normative sexuality -with the concept of performativity- will be basic to understand the fundamental role that sexuality has in the construction of subjectivities. The accounts of teens will allow us to explore the paper that physical activities and sport have in their lives as mediators in the construction of their "masculine" subjectivities, many times as an oppressor space of their sexual and gender identity, and open an analysis of the hegemonic body representations that mediate not only physical education in schools, but also sport of competition and elite, and their representations in mass media. ; Este artículo parte del análisis de algunas contribuciones teóricas sobre la conceptualización del cuerpo en las sociedades contemporáneas, que nos permitirá dialogar con las experiencias reflexivas de un grupo de chicos sobre el aprendizaje de la(s) masculinidad(es)i en sus vidas. El énfasis fenomenológico y político del cuerpo en los estudios feministas -con la noción de corporización- ha sido fundamental para problematizar las variables encarnadas de género, raza, edad, clase social, (dis)capacidad, etc. que no sólo operan en una relación de poder sobre nuestros cuerpos, sino también como locus de agencia y resistencia. La teoría queer con la deconstrucción de la sexualidad normativa -gracias a la noción de performatividad- será clave para entender el papel ...
In the article are determined the principles of the functioning of government in the post-industrial society. The need to change the principles of interaction between citizens and authorities associated with increasing of the sense of information, the amount and the level of awareness of people. There is an objective need for their active involvement in political processes. This explains the formation of such phenomena as e-government and e-democracy. They are based on the use of modern information and communication technologies in the field of politics. It makes government more transparent, more operational and more mobile. People get more opportunities in the process of discussing the problems of social life, of the initiation of decision-making, of the election of representative bodies and of monitoring their activities. E-government is characterized as e-governance infrastructure that ensures the provision of public services for citizens by means of Internet. Electronic democracy is a wider phenomenon. It is based primarily on active electronic participation of citizens in political processes. For the proper functioning of this system its necessary such following specifications as information presence of authorities, archive documents, mechanisms for the free communication between citizens and authorities, on-line consultation with the public, discussion forums on the activities of the authorities, on-line surveys, opportunities get answers to queries. The system of electronic democracy includes a wide complex of political relations, in particular, full participation of citizens in political processes, discussing various issues of public life and even decision-making. For providing of the effectiveness of e-democracy it is advisable to combine the separate institutions of representative democracy with the principles of direct democracy based on the telecommunications of post-industrial society. The public has the real right to control the actions of the authorities in the permanent on-line regime. These principles of government work provide the proper level of quality, openness, transparency and accessibility of information in the work of authorities, providing feedback principle, thus creating additional opportunities for interaction between citizens and government. The using the principles of e-democracy in practical life creates enough opportunities for citizen participation in social and political processes, including discussion of the problems of society, voting concerning some decisions, election authority bodies, the statement of attitude in relation to their activity and so on. Providing permanent feedback is an important factor of the public presence in politics. ; У статті розглядаються принципи реалізації влади, взаємодії громадян з органами влади в постіндустріальному суспільстві. Встановлено, що суспільно-політичні процеси повинні здійснюватися на основі сучасних телекомунікаційних механізмів. Такі механізми забезпечують надання адміністративних послуг, безпосередню взаємодію громадян з владою, можливість суспільного контролю її дій і суспільного впливу на ухвалення владних рішень.
In the article are determined the principles of the functioning of government in the post-industrial society. The need to change the principles of interaction between citizens and authorities associated with increasing of the sense of information, the amount and the level of awareness of people. There is an objective need for their active involvement in political processes. This explains the formation of such phenomena as e-government and e-democracy. They are based on the use of modern information and communication technologies in the field of politics. It makes government more transparent, more operational and more mobile. People get more opportunities in the process of discussing the problems of social life, of the initiation of decision-making, of the election of representative bodies and of monitoring their activities. E-government is characterized as e-governance infrastructure that ensures the provision of public services for citizens by means of Internet. Electronic democracy is a wider phenomenon. It is based primarily on active electronic participation of citizens in political processes. For the proper functioning of this system its necessary such following specifications as information presence of authorities, archive documents, mechanisms for the free communication between citizens and authorities, on-line consultation with the public, discussion forums on the activities of the authorities, on-line surveys, opportunities get answers to queries. The system of electronic democracy includes a wide complex of political relations, in particular, full participation of citizens in political processes, discussing various issues of public life and even decision-making. For providing of the effectiveness of e-democracy it is advisable to combine the separate institutions of representative democracy with the principles of direct democracy based on the telecommunications of post-industrial society. The public has the real right to control the actions of the authorities in the permanent on-line regime. These principles of government work provide the proper level of quality, openness, transparency and accessibility of information in the work of authorities, providing feedback principle, thus creating additional opportunities for interaction between citizens and government. The using the principles of e-democracy in practical life creates enough opportunities for citizen participation in social and political processes, including discussion of the problems of society, voting concerning some decisions, election authority bodies, the statement of attitude in relation to their activity and so on. Providing permanent feedback is an important factor of the public presence in politics. ; У статті розглядаються принципи реалізації влади, взаємодії громадян з органами влади в постіндустріальному суспільстві. Встановлено, що суспільно-політичні процеси повинні здійснюватися на основі сучасних телекомунікаційних механізмів. Такі механізми забезпечують надання адміністративних послуг, безпосередню взаємодію громадян з владою, можливість суспільного контролю її дій і суспільного впливу на ухвалення владних рішень.
В статті розглядаються концептуальні підходи до формування політичних цінностей молоді. Формування особистісних політичних цінностей в індивідуальному розвитку ускладнене множинністю групової належності людей і суперечливістю ціннісних систем, рольових очікувань різних соціальних груп, до яких належить індивід. Соціально-політичні цінності відображають устремління і ставлення суспільства до певних фактів, подій і процесів політичного життя, формуючи своєрідне «замовлення» для політичних еліт, але так само на них впливають окремі індивіди, чиї агреговані індивідуальні політичні цінності в сукупності їх і складають.Концепція формування політичних цінностей молоді спирається на систему педагогічних принципів — загальнодидактичних принципів навчання у вищій школі; принципів створення ситуацій спільної продуктивної діяльності; принципів контекстного навчання; принципів особистісно орієнтованої освіти. ; В статье рассматриваются теоретические предпосылки формирования политических ценностей молодежи. Формирование личностных политических ценностей в индивидуальном развитии затруднено множественностью групповой принадлежности людей и противоречивостью ценностных систем, ролевых ожиданий различных социальных групп, к которым относится индивид. Социально-политические ценности отражают устремления и отношение общества к определенным фактам, событиям и процессов политической жизни, формируя своеобразный «заказ» для политических элит, но точно так же на них влияют отдельные индивиды, чьи агрегированные индивидуальные политические ценности в совокупности их и составляют.Концепция формирования политических ценностей молодежи базируется на системе педагогических принципов — принципов обучения в высшей школе; принципов создания ситуаций совместной продуктивной деятельности; принципов контекстного обучения; принципов личностно ориентированного образования. ; The article considers theoretical prerequisites for the formation of political values of youth. Forming personal political values depend on the group affiliation of individuals and contradictory value systems, role expectations of different social groups, which include individual. Socio-political values reflect the aspirations and attitudes of society to certain facts, events and processes of political life, creating a kind of «order» for the political elites, but in the same way they affect specific individuals with their individual political values.We consider it appropriate to exercise a formative influence on all three forms of political values. The individual determines the subjective value of a political party based on it, in his opinion, the opportunity to realize a rather abstract social and political values, for example, to achieve freedom, democracy, equality, ensure human rights and justice. In our study the formation of political values seen young people in the context of their own development, the establishment of adequate political situation changing values. Political values are always subjective due to the fact that there is no reality outside the political actors themselves phenomena of political reality have no psychological significance, the importance of perception give actors — individual or society.The concept of the formation of political values youth educational system based on principles — principles of teaching in higher education; principles create situations of joint productive activity; principles of contextual learning; principles of personalityoriented education.
Institutions, as mechanisms of social order, often constrain the behavior of individuals within a society. Political institutions constrain the behavior of politicians, financial institutions constrain the behavior of businesses and payment processors and social institutions often constrain the behavior of individuals. These institutions often play an important role in constraining activities that may be seen as illicit or unwanted and careful analysis of these constraints can allow researchers to learn more about activities that are often hidden or go unreported.This dissertation explores the role of institutional constraints on unwanted behavior by studying deforestation in Brazil and Malawi as well as underground activity in fraudulent software sales. These cases share the commonality that they are influenced by institutional constraints. Politicians in Brazil are constrained by reelection incentives, perpetrators of fraudulent antivirus software are constrained by payment processors and the cultural practice of ethnic favoritism in public good provision leads to particular ethnic groups in Malawi receiving much more fertilizer subsidies than others.The first chapter examines deforestation in Brazil. Local political authority (formal or informal) over natural resources may create rents for politicians. The political decision to use or allocate resources involves balancing private rents with reelection prospects. I examine the case of deforestation in Brazil and a presidential decree granting the federal government the authority to punish counties that failed to limit total deforestation within their borders. This collective punishment aimed to generate pressure on local politicians to slow deforestation. Using binding term limits as a source of variation in reelection eligibility, I find eligibility has no effect on deforestation prior to the decree. After the decree, reelection eligible mayors reduced annual deforestation 10% more than mayors ineligible for reelection. These findings are consistent with the equilibrium outcome of a lobbying model. Policies such as sanctions, which target the electorate in order to influence political behavior, may be less effective when politicians are not accountable to voters.The second chapter examines Fake antivirus (AV) programs which have been utilized to defraud millions of computer users into paying as much as one hundred dollars for a phony software license. As a result, fake AV software has evolved into one of the most lucrative criminal operations on the Internet. In this chapter, we examine the operations of three large scale fake AV businesses, lasting from three months to more than two years. More precisely, we present the results of our analysis on a trove of data obtained from several backend servers that the cybercriminals used to drive their scam operations. Our investigations reveal that these three fake AV businesses had earned a combined revenue of more than $130 million dollars. A particular focus of our analysis is on the financial and economic aspects of the scam, which involves legitimate credit card networks as well as more dubious payment processors. In particular, we present an economic model that demonstrates that fake AV companies are actively monitoring the refunds (chargebacks) that customers demand from their credit card providers. When the number of chargebacks increases in a short interval, the fake AV companies react to customer complaints by granting more refunds. This lowers the rate of chargebacks and ensures that a fake AV company can stay in business for a longer period of time. However, this behavior also leads to unusual patterns in chargebacks, which can potentially be leveraged by vigilant payment processors and credit card companies to identify and ban fraudulent firms. This chapter is joint work with Brett Stone-Gross, Richard Kremmerer, Christopher Kruegel, Douglas Steigerwald, and Giovanni Vigna and was published as Stone-Gross et al. (2013).The final chapter returns to deforestation and studies it in the context of agriculture in Malawi. The effect of development policies on the environment is often ambiguous ex ante. Programs designed to improve agricultural productivity may increase deforestation by raising the marginal productivity of agricultural land, thus increasing the demand for land clearing. However, in a setting of subsistence farming on unproductive land, increasing agricultural productivity may reduce the need to shift cultivation to maintain the desired yields. This chapter examines the impact of agricultural subsidies on deforestation in Malawi by leveraging ethnic favoritism in government resource allocation. By exploiting a change in the ethnicity of the Malawi president following the 2004 election, we show that coethnic districts received more fertilizer subsidies and experienced significant declines in deforestation compared to districts with other predominant ethnicities. This paper studies a case in which poverty alleviation programs have beneficial environ- mental impacts demonstrating that, in certain contexts, input subsidies may provide a 'win-win' scenario. This chapter is joint work with Conor Carney.
