Suchergebnisse

在本論文中我們使用複雜系統研究方法,分析增長、分配和相關的基本社會經濟問題,經濟系統在本文中被視為包含巨大自由度的複雜系統。 ; 我們首先提出了一個無代表性經濟行為人的非同質的Poisson 創新增長模型以證明長期可持續的經濟增長的最終引擎來自於變異型的創新(非研發型),此機制是和持續增長的社會無序度一致的唯一機制。我們也討論了創新的異質特性。我們並且證明了各個部門的生產率分佈並非退化為單一的社會平均生產率,而是服從Maxwell‐Boltzmann 分佈,這一結果表明總需求對總產出存在真實的重要作用。我們隨後從複雜系統角度研究了經濟分配的問題。我們證明在封閉系統中,即使在很弱的假設前提下,收入或財富的分配不可避免得向兩極化的方向演化。隨後我們使用連續時間的Simon‐Yule 過程分析開放系統的經濟分配問題,此開放系統以新部門的不斷產生和遞減的代際影響力為特徵。我們證明了在此開放系統排除了分配兩極化的可能,代際類型穩定性必然在一定階段崩潰。 ; 隨後我們研究了路徑依賴、無限方差和雙參數Poisson‐Dirichlet 過程。我們發現主流的新古典宏觀經濟學的建模方法在此框架內無穩固的數學基礎。 ; 我們從更一般和更哲學的角度分析了一些涉及經濟學研究方法和範式的基本問題。我們主張複雜系統研究方法不僅在包括物理學和生物學的自然科學領域具有啟發性,在經濟、金融和其他社會科學領域裡同樣如此。我們認為,各式經濟系統儘管存在各自的特殊性,但總是沿著從低熵態向高熵態的方向演化,並在社會經濟生活各個領域出現不斷增長和發展的複雜的耗散結構。複雜系統方法的引入有助於對許多經濟謎題提供科學的解釋。除了傳統的經濟研究對象,在同一分析框架內,我們分析了現代企業制度、城市、政治和司法制度以及宗教等相關問題。 ; In the essays we employ the complex system perspective to analyze growth, distribution and related fundamental socioeconomic issues where the economy is viewed as a complex system with large degrees of freedom. ; We first propose a non-homogeneous Poisson innovation growth model with no representative agent to show that the ultimate engine of sustainable economic growth stems from mutation-style innovation (not R & D style), which is the only mechanism consistent with ever-increasing degree of social disorder. Heterogeneous innovation impacts are also investigated. And we show that sectoral productivity distribution in an economic system does not degenerate to the social average productivity level but follows the Maxwell- Boltzmann distribution instead, which in turn implies that aggregate demand has real impacts on total output. ; The economic distribution issue is then investigated from the complex system perspective. We show that in closed economic systems, under weak assumptions, distribution in income or wealth inevitably evolves into polarization. Then we employ the continuous-time Simon-Yule process to analyze distribution in an open economic system with innovation and decreasing intergenerational influence. We show distribution polarization is impossible ...

Qiu Linchuan (Jack). ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-173). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Objectives --- p.1 ; The Assumptions --- p.2 ; The Case --- p.4 ; Methods --- p.9 ; The Conceptual Framework --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Background --- p.18 ; Communication Technology as A Democratizer --- p.18 ; Democratizer or Something Else? --- p.23 ; The Concept of Mediation --- p.27 ; The Mediationist Perspective --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- China's Cyberspace --- p.37 ; China 's Nets and Netizens --- p.40 ; Bamboo Curtains Unfurled --- p.53 ; Virtual Censorship vs. Mass Media Regulation: a Comparison --- p.67 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.75 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Processes of Mediation --- p.79 ; Internet Audience and Their Exposure --- p.80 ; The Rugged Route from Exposure to Expression --- p.88 ; The Gap between Virtuality and Reality --- p.98 ; Concluding Remarks --- p.108 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Consequences of Mediation --- p.110 ; Evaluating the Consequences --- p.110 ; Selecting Online Arenas --- p.113 ; Data Gathering and Coding --- p.119 ; Findings --- p.130 ; Concluding remarks --- p.147 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Discussions --- p.151 ; Summary --- p.151 ; Methodological Issues --- p.154 ; Broader Implications --- p.164 ; Bibliography --- p.169

Chang Kwun-Hung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-189). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- The approach of this thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Criticisms on Rawls --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Influences from Marx --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Socialism, market, and democracy" --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Why should we need equality? --- p.18 ; Chapter 2. --- Complex Equality and Distributive Justice ; Chapter 2.1 --- Social goods and distributive spheres --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems on simple equality --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Complex equality and reduction of dominance --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Blocked exchange and free exchanges --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Natural endowments and desert --- p.40 ; Chapter 3. --- Criticisms on Walzer's theory of social goods ; Chapter 3.1 --- Loose link between social meanings and distributive principles --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Moral considerations and principle of utility --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Basic needs and communal provision --- p.56 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Unclear boundaries between social goods --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- Citizenship and shared understandings of social goods ; Chapter 4.1 --- Democratic citizenship and political power --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralized democratic socialism --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Ruled by citizens or ruled by specialists? --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Shared understandings of social welfare --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.41 --- Medical care ; Chapter 4.42 --- Education ; Chapter 4.5 --- Art of separation --- p.91 ; Chapter 5. --- Interpretation and social criticism ; Chapter 5.1 --- Interpretation thesis --- p.99 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Social criticism --- p.111 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Dworkin-Walzer debate --- p.118 ; Chapter 6. --- Problems with Walzer's interpretation thesis ; Chapter 6.1 --- The possibility of social criticisms made by another society --- p.132 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Refutation of interpretation thesis --- p.139 ...

現代信息技術,以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素,如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代,尤其是社交媒體的出現,其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是"互聯網一代"和中國知識分子的代表。因此,了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出"社交媒體使用"及"在線新聞使用"兩個概念,並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。 ; 本研究主要探討以下問題:(1)大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;(2)大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何;(3)在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;(4)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用,政治知識,政治效能,政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係; 以及(5)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。 ; 本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查;調查前,焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法,在北京抽取了兩所"elite工程"大學,在長春及杭州各抽取一所非"elite工程"大學的學生參與,樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示,當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示,中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞,分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道,以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時,本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。 ; 研究結果顯示,人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。 ; Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens' political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future. ; Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals' engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students ...

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

Ma Lai Yee. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Abstract (English version) --- p.ii ; Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1 ; Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong ; Chapter I) --- Political Background ; The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7 ; The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8 ; The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9 ; Chapter II) --- Technological Background ; Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature ; Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects" ; The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14 ; Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15 ; Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17 ; "Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19 ; Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet" ; Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23 ; Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26 ; Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28 ; The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong ; 1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36 ; The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Research Design and Sampling --- p.44 ; Survey Sample Profile --- p.45 ; Content Analysis --- p.46 ; Textual Analysis --- p.47 ; Measurements of variables --- p.48 ; Analytical Procedures --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations ; Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52 ; Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54 ; Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60 ; Correlational ...

Ting-Yat Chui. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-95). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter (I) --- JOHN RAWLS´ة POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.4 ; Chapter 1. --- Why political liberalism? --- p.4 ; Chapter A. --- Reasonable Pluralism --- p.4 ; Chapter B. --- Stable for the Right Reasons --- p.7 ; Chapter 2. --- What is political liberalism? --- p.9 ; Chapter A. --- The aim of PL --- p.9 ; Chapter B. --- Two stages of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter a. --- The first stage of the exposition --- p.11 ; Chapter i. --- The political conception of justice --- p.11 ; Chapter ii. --- Political constructivism --- p.14 ; Chapter b. --- The second stage of the exposition --- p.15 ; Chapter i. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus --- p.15 ; Chapter ii. --- Public reason --- p.20 ; Chapter C. --- Liberal Principle of Legitimacy --- p.21 ; Chapter (II) --- WHY NOT POLITICAL LIBERALISM --- p.24 ; Chapter 1. --- The reasonable overlapping consensus? --- p.24 ; Chapter 2. --- Why should the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.28 ; Chapter A. --- Being reasonable? --- p.29 ; Chapter B. --- Prevailing ideas? --- p.34 ; Chapter 3. --- Why can the citizens endorse the political conception of justice? --- p.40 ; Chapter A. --- Why can't the burdens of judgment cause the disagreement on the political conception of justice? --- p.41 ; Chapter B. --- Is political conception of justice really political? --- p.47 ; Chapter a. --- The affirmation of the burdens of judgment --- p.47 ; Chapter b. --- The fundamental liberal idea of person --- p.49 ; Chapter C. --- Political virtue? --- p.59 ; Chapter a. --- The reasons for the stableness of a well-ordered society --- p.59 ; Chapter b. --- It is impossible for all reasonable citizens to respect political virtues in the political aspect --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- The aim of social cooperation --- p.61 ; Chapter ii. --- It is impossible to privatize the good --- p.65 ...

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

香港在主流革命史學的敘述中一般被認為是推動辛亥革命的「搖籃」,但在革命黨人之外的社會大眾,對「革命」究竟有怎樣的取態?《香港華字日報》是這段時期香港銷量最大的華文報紙,仔細考察該報創辦的歷史及其1909-1913年的政治取態,可見該報是華商陳氏家族的一份現代產業,並無黨派認同,報紙內容與宗旨也頗具現代傳媒的新聞專業主義色彩,強調「中立」而較少傳統「文人論政」情懷。 ; 本文選取1909-1913年的《香港華字日報》,剖析這五年的報紙中與「革命」相關的內容細節,認為這份報紙對「革命」並非積極推動,取態反而偏於保守,並順應時勢而調整:辛亥前報紙展現的「革命」介於傳統和現代之間,既是「犯上作亂」的傳統造反,又是謀求民族獨立、政治改良的現代革命;而辛亥之後,報紙不滿意革命黨建立的地方政府,轉而支持中央而強烈反對革命黨的「二次革命」。這樣的取態既反映了部份以往未得到充分審視的社會輿論,也與報紙自身的立場及處境有關。 ; Hong Kong is understood as the "birthplace" of the 1911 Revolution in mainstream studies of the Chinese Revolution. But besides the revolutionaries, how did ordinary people understand "revolution"? Wah Tsz Yat Po was the most widely circulated Chinese language newspaper in Hong Kong during the period concerned. The thesis is an in-depth study of the newspaper's founding history and its political stance during 1909-1913. It is found that the newspaper was a modernised property owned by the Chan family in Hong Kong. It did not have political affiliations. Its content and objectives showed the newspaper's emphasis on journalistic professionalism that was similar to that held by modern day mass media, preferring "neutrality" over the tradition of providing political comments. ; The thesis closely examines the content of Wah Tsz Yat Po that was related to revolution during 1909-1913. It proposes that the newspaper did not play an active role in promoting revolution. Its stance was rather conservative instead and changed in accordance with political developments. Before the revolution of 1911, the newspaper regarded "revolution" as something between tradition and modernity. It was understood as a "rebellion against the authorities" in the traditional sense and also as a way to attain national independence and political reform in the modern sense. After 1911, the newspaper was against the local government set up by the revolutionists. It then turned its support to Yuan's central government and took a strong oppositional stance towards "the Second Revolution" initiated by Sun's revolutionary party. Its stance not ...

by Xueyi Chen. ; Thesis submitted in: December 1997. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-106). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Table of Contents ; Abbreviations ; Timeline ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- Purpose and Significance ; Chapter 1.2 --- Thesis Structure ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Historical Background ; Chapter 2.1 --- Development of China's Stock Markets ; Chapter 2.2 --- Paradox in China's Stock Markets ; Chapter 2.3 --- Stock News Reporting in China ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Literature Review ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Perspective of Political Economy: An Overview ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Political Economy of China's Party Press: Change and Continuity ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- "In the Mao Era: The Chinese Press as Propagandist, Agitator and Organizer" ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- In the Era of Economic Reform: A Paradigm Shift ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Assumptions ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology ; Chapter 5.1 --- Four Periods: Operational Definitions for the Interplay of State Controls and Market Forces ; Chapter 5.2 --- Contexts of the Field Study ; Chapter 5.3 --- Research Procedures ; Chapter 5.2.1 --- Content Analysis ; Chapter 5.2.2 --- In-depth Interview ; Chapter 5.2.3 --- Documentary Analysis ; Chapter 5.2.4 --- Participant Observation ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Stock News Reporting under State-Market Dynamics ; Chapter 6.1 --- The Period of Initial Reforms: From the Early 1980s to the Mid-1980s ; Chapter 6.1.1 --- Continuing State Controls ; Chapter 6.1.2 --- Absence of Market and Competition ; Chapter 6.1.3 --- Content Pattern: Ideological Orthodoxy ; Chapter 6.1.4 --- Reporting Mode: Orthodox Reporting ; Chapter 6.2 --- The Period of Continuing Reforms: From the Mid-1980s to the Late1980s ; Chapter 6.2.1 --- Relaxed State Controls ; Chapter 6.2.2 --- Emerging Competition ; Chapter 6.2.3 --- Content Changes: Minor Departures from Ideological Orthodoxy ; Chapter 6.2.4 --- Reporting Mode: Orthodox Reporting with Increased ...

本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

本研究以一个曾经在文革中施暴的红卫兵──李乾的生命传记为个案,以布迪厄的社会实践理论为理论框架,探讨主体参与文革与记忆、反思文革的实践,以及对文革意义的理解,进而理解一系列红卫兵实践(尤其是暴力实践)的逻辑。不同于已有文革研究的精英史和社会史路径,本研究试图发展一种传记取向的文革研究路径,分析个体生命经验与其所处社会情境,红卫兵的惯习与其所处的场域的复杂关系,由此更深刻地理解文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 首先,本研究聚焦这些红卫兵文革初期对文革的认知、情感机制与行动策略,指出其实践如何受制于无产阶级专政场域与惯习的作用,如何再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化,即再生产无产阶级专政的象征秩序、权力技术、话语方式与组织机制,如何再生产文革"武斗"的直接暴力与"文斗"的话语暴力。并且,本研究试图说明早期"造反者"的"造反"动力来自其与老红卫兵在革命资格竞争中的"相对剥夺感";这种"造反"并不是为了反抗主流的象征秩序,而是努力争取自身在这套象征秩序中的优势位置和资本。 ; 其次,本研究探讨主体生命经验中关键性的暴力事件──"一二.五"事件的实际发生过程,分析"一二.五"事件中这些红卫兵对暴力的认知与情感,以及暴力如何被合法化及赋权,其中的专政对象──"流氓"是如何被建构与想象的,由此揭示特定的政治文化脉络中主体的贱斥动力以及这一暴力实践的逻辑。红卫兵暴力惯习的形塑,不仅受制于文革的革命场域的作用,更受制于建国以来历时性的无产阶级专政场域的作用;同时,这一惯习的运作又在维持和再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 此外,本研究探讨主体在"一二.五"事件后,如何在一系列社会互动的过程中,逐步实现了意识的转化和主体性变迁,如何从符号中介的生命经验中引入新的认知与情感机制重新理解"一二.五"事件、文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。这种批判性的反思实践与主体所处行动场域中的社会位置以及所能接收的多元的、异质性的符号资源密切相关,可以形塑主体惯习的转化,生产新的社会实践以及相应社会关系的改变。 ; 最后,本研究试图将当下民间文革记忆与反思实践置于文革与后文革、毛时代与后毛时代的连续性与转型的关系之中,指出为民间记忆与反思实践赋权的政治文化意义。这一反记忆实践不仅打捞普通人被遗忘的、被边缘化的文革记忆,也介入对历史与现实的批判,积极争取个体对历史的话语权,与对现实政治、文化的参与权。 ; Taking the life biography of a former Red Guard Li Qian who committed violence during the Cultural Revolution (CR) as a case, this research employs Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social practice to explore the Red Guards' participatory, mnemonic and reflective practices during the CR, as well as their understanding of the CR, with the aim of further understanding the logics of the Red Guards' practices (especially their violent practices). Different from the traditional approaches of political history and social history, this study attempts to develop a biography approach to study the CR. It analyzes the complex relations between individuals' life experiences and their social contexts, between the Red Guards' habitus and the specific field, to understand the political culture of the CR and the Proletarian Dictatorship. ; First, this study focuses on the Red Guards' cognitive and emotional mechanism and action strategy during the early days of the CR. It investigates how their practices are subject to the conditioning of the field and ...