In: Paper presented at Sixth Australian Society of Heterodox Economist Conference, The University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia : 10th-11th December 2007 p. 93-102
This paper aims to identify within capitalism the "political aspects" that enhance, but also can undermine, the positive transformational power of innovation policies. As such, this paper follows the approach of Micha
This study investigates the political aspects of resilience in social-ecological systems. Based on long-term anthropological fieldwork in the Calamianes Islands, Philippines, the study focuses on the diverse and contested human interests that make up social-ecological systems. In the Calamianes, what promotes the interests of one group of people may impact negatively for another group of people, or the ecosystem in which they live. Fishers, for example, have struggled greatly to preserve their patterns of marine resource use, and to oppose various forms of regulation that have been introduced. Following Armitage and Johnson (2006), this study has found that deciding 'for what and for whom are we trying to promote resilience?' becomes a critical question. Answering such a question will require decisions that will favour certain elements or resource users within any social-ecological system, and disadvantage others. The study concludes therefore that such political aspects of resilience thinking require greater attention, and that more attention could be paid to negotiations over tradeoffs among various stakeholders, if the resilience concept is to be more widely accepted in policy and management arenas.
Bis heute wird der Tod Karls VI. und der Regierungsantritt Maria Theresias 1740 als eine einschneidende Zäsur in der österreichischen Geschichte gesehen. Doch nun stellt sich vor dem Hintergrund eines weitergefassten Schnittstellenbegriffes (Reinhart Koselleck) die Frage, ob der zweifellos grundlegende Wandel zwischen 1720 und 1780 nicht differenzierter gesehen werden muss. Ausgehend vom Raum des Wiener Hofes, an dem der Herrscherwechsel in seinen Auswirkungen am ehesten dokumentiert werden kann, wird aus der Sicht sogenannten Hofkünste versucht, Kontinuitäten und Diskontinuitäten aufzuzeigen. ; Until today, the death of Charles VI and Maria Theresia's ascending the throne 1740 is seen as a major turning point in Austrian history. But now is the question of whether in different "layers" and "rooms" without doubt fundamental change between 1720 and 1780 not differentiated must be seen against the background of the concept of interface ("Sattelzeit"/Reinhart Koselleck). On the basis of the space "Viennese court", where the change of rulers in its effects most likely can be documented, attempts from the perspective of different disciplines (the so called "Hofkünste" – literature/poetry, arts, theatre/dance, music) point out continuities and discontinuities.
This article discusses the history of the establishment of Islamic banking in Indonesia. The author examines the derivers of their establishment and argues that, aside other aspects, political aspects give contribution to the establishment of the Islamic banking. He describes a number of evidences of how politics play an important role in the success of their establishment; one of those proofs is the economic and political Islam interdependence which can be read in the idea of Indonesian Muslims on establishing Islamic banks, which is influenced by political content. At the beginning, the relationship between Muslims and the New Order was covered with suspicions and prejudices. The rulers of the New Order in the 1970's were still suspicious of the idea on the establishment of an Islamic state or the realization of the Jakarta Charter. Until recent days, the idea is still debated.
When Ibsen was first introduced to the audience, few might have thought that a new wit is coming up in the world theatre. His plays soon started to touch sharp social topics stigmatizing the political values of the leading class. This article analyzes the aspects that Ibsen's plays more often offered to the reader and to the audience: the socio-political ones. The plays taken into consideration are the most notable of the playwright, A Doll's House, Ghosts, Pillars of Society. The socio-political aspect in these plays is clearer and marks the starting point of a new epoch in which the writers began bringing to light real problems to the real world.The reader or the audience becomes a witness of the moral intrigue development; of the farce identity; where the high building of lies slowly begins to fall apart like a card-house. This article brings to comparison the main characters of these plays, the Ladies, respectively Mrs. Helmer, Mrs. Alving and Mrs. Bernick, which might have not been considered as the protagonists, but surely their position in the plays has been crucial in the tide of the events and in our analysis of the social and political aspect of Ibsen's plays. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n11p676
Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Sudan is a sending and a receiving country for economic as well as for forced migrants (refugees). Out-migration from Sudan is caused by conflict and political instability, but also by the desire of Sudanese migrants to have better economic and educational opportunities abroad and, in some cases, family reunification. Migrants coming to Sudan are either refugees or recent voluntary migrants following oil exploration and the signing of the peace agreements in 2005. Statistics show that Asians represent the majority of economic migrants in Sudan, while Ethiopians and Eritreans represent the overwhelming majority of refugees in the country. There is no clear or coherent policy that addresses gender aspects of migration or safeguards the rights of migrant women in particular for either Sudanese or foreign migrants. Migration issues are dealt with through legal frameworks that regulate the presence and work of foreign nationals, and the journeys of nationals. Indeed, laws are not gender sensitive and do not address the concerns of either migrants generally or migrant women in particular. There is a need for legal reform and there is also a need for the introduction of policies or programmes that are gender sensitive when dealing with migration issues. Sudan needs to enter into bilateral agreements with receiving countries, to ensure the protection of migrant Sudanese women abroad and foreign migrant women in Sudan. / Le Soudan est à la fois un pays d'accueil et d'origine pour les migrations de travail et pour les migrations forcées. Les causes de l'émigration sont les conflits et l'instabilité politique, la recherche de meilleures opportunités économiques et d'éducation et, parfois, la réunification familiale. L'immigration, quant à elle, est formée des flux de réfugiés et de migrations de travail récentes à la suite du développement de l'exploitation pétrolière et de la signature des accords de paix. Les statistiques montrent que la majorité des migrants économiques sont originaires d'Asie, tandis que l'écrasante majorité des réfugiés sont Ethiopiens et Erythréens. Tant pour les migrants Soudanais qu'étrangers, il n'existe pas de politique claire ou cohérente relative aux aspects sexués ou « genrés » de la migration ou, plus particulièrement, à la protection des droits des femmes migrantes. Les questions migratoires sont considérées à travers les cadres législatifs relatifs à la présence et au travail des étrangers, et aux déplacements des nationaux. En effet, les lois ne tiennent pas compte du genre et ne répondent pas aux préoccupations des migrants en général et des femmes migrantes en particulier. Il existe donc un besoin de réforme de la législation, ainsi qu'un besoin de créer des politiques et des programmes qui, lorsqu'elles traitent des questions migratoires, tiennent compte du genre. Le Soudan a besoin de développer des accords bilatéraux avec les pays d'accueil afin de garantir la protection des femmes soudanaises émigrées ainsi que des femmes étrangères immigrées au Soudan.
Recent (geo)political tensions, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the rise of nationalism worldwide have brought to the forefront processes of (de)globalization both in social, political, and economic terms. In this context, we place questions: How have Brazil's views on international organizations changed over the years and why does it matter when it comes to understanding the country's recent contribution to the processes of (de)globalization? To answer the aforementioned questions, this article discusses some of Brazil's main points of view on international organizations (IOs) from a historical perspective. Therefore, we aim to analyze the criticism and political positions of Brazil regarding the most relevant IOs over time, from the League of Nations to the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions. Additionally, this paper addresses Jair Bolsonaro's (de)globalization positions, especially in view of his peculiar foreign policy oriented towards the contestation of the system. As a concluding point, we provide sufficient evidence on Bolsonaro's political inclination towards processes of (de)globalization based on his contempt for the so-called 'globalism', as well as his nationalistic rhetoric.
"By Corwin D. Edwards."--Acknowledgment. ; At head of title: 78th Congress, 2d session. Senate committee print. Monograph no. 1. ; Mode of access: Internet.
King Lear explores classical elements like the striking peculiarities of an individual, or the violence of some exceptional character, disregarding the fundamental feelings common to mankind, and ignorant love of humanity. We find Lear, a central character with a particular tragic flaw or hamartia, that is, a character who is led into despair or misery through some sort of error either in himself or in his action; and to hubris which means excessive, self-destructive pride. Lear is led into suffering after which he has a greater understanding of both himself and the world. Lear is an attractive personality with many virtues who has a fairly normal balance of good and evil within him. He is proud and does not know himself and it is a "normal" fault but after it is acted on by events in the play, it brings him down. Evil is let loose in the society of tragedy, and destroys both good and evil characters. Evil unavoidably pollutes and infects the tragic hero himself-Lear. The nature of evil is reflected from the characters of Lear and his first two daughters, Goneril and Regan. Lear undergoes range of tragic life because of his blunder-divides his kingdom and wealth based on parameter of love- which triggers many conflicts and causes many sufferings. His first two daughters, Goneril and Regan, make maneuver to get the inheritance by flattery but Cordelia, Lear's third daughter, represents the struggle of human soul to defend truth and responsibility. To get the kingdom and wealth, she does not want to lie herself and her father by flattery. She just keeps silent or realizes that to love, obey and devote herself to her father is a must. The main ingredient of the play is about human beings and their life. Human life and their problems become subject matter and their basic natures which activate their action and speeches become the object of the play. Human beings and their basic natures are presented by all the characters who act and say based on their roles. Their life and their problems are represented by their ...
ABSTRACT This research is devoted to the specifics of the influence of demographic processes in the muslim community of Russia on political aspects. The study of the data obtained made it possible to determine the specific aspects of the impact of demographic processes on muslim community and to describe the socio-political mean of these processes for russian society. The results obtained are consistent with the conclusions of a number of researchers, expand the existing understanding of the nature of demographic processes among muslims, and determine the specific results of their impact on russian society.
Advocates of Job Guarantee (JG) or Employer of Last Resort (ELR) schemes have suggested that if the state provides "buffer stock" employment to workers displaced from private employment, then full employment can be maintained over the course of the business cycle. Kalecki was sceptical about the prospects for maintaining full employment in capitalist economies, without fundamental institutional change that would alleviate certain political constraints on the maintenance of full employment. We argue that in and of themselves, JG/ELR schemes do not create the fundamental institutional change required to address Kalecki's concerns and so ensure that full employment becomes achievable as a permanent state.
