Suchergebnisse

Komparativno oglašavanje pojam je koji se javlja 70 – ih godina 20. stoljeća u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama te se kreće ubrzano razvijati s ciljem povećanja informiranosti potrošača te kako bi nagnalo poduzeća da poboljšaju svoje proizvode i usluge. Implicitno komparativno oglašavanje vrsta je komparativnog oglašavanja koja na indirektan način u svojim oglasima spominje karakteristike ili simbole konkurentskih poduzeća. Od svog nastanka, komparativno oglašavanje često podliježe ispitivanjima je li takav način etičan, odnosno treba li ga i ako da, na koji način regulirati. Sukladno tome, svako tržište ima svoje zakone i direktive u svrhu zaštite potrošača i poduzeća koja su predmet komparativnog oglašavanja. Osim u korporativnom svijetu, komparativno oglašavanje često se koristi u političkim kampanjama, kako bi se istaknule mane i slabosti protukandidata ili stranke, odnosno superiorne karakteristike kandidata koji je sponzorirao oglas. U ovom radu provelo se primarno kvantitativno istraživanje na prigodnom uzorku od 115 ispitanika putem strukturiranog anketnog upitnika distribuiranog putem Interneta. Ispitanicima je u sklopu anketnog upitnika prikazano ukupno 6 političkih oglasa raznih hrvatskih političkih kandidata i/ili stranaka koji su u svojim oglasima koristili implicitno komparativno oglašavanje. Percepcija etičnosti mjerila se putem multidimenzionalne skale prema Reidenbach, Robin i Dawson (1991.) kako bi se dobio uvid u mišljenje i stavove ispitanika. Prema dobivenim rezultatima može se zaključiti kako varijabla percipirane etičnosti birača ima statistički značajan utjecaj na vjerojatnost glasanja za određenog političkog kandidata i/ili stranku na svim prikazanim oglasima, dok varijabla političke opredjeljenosti ima statistički značajan utjecaj na vjerojatnost glasanja za određenog političkog kandidata ili stranku u dva od šest prikazanih oglasa. ; Comparative advertising is a term that first appeared in the 1970s in the United States and is evolving rapidly to develop consumer awareness and encourage ...

Društvene mreže često služe kao alat političkim strankama i kandidatima za interakciju s potencijalnim glasačima. Opsežnim pregledom literature, identificirane su koristi upotrebe društvenih mreža, poput dobivanja publiciteta, širenja poruka i mobilizacije birača, ali i određeni nedostaci. Stoga se javlja potreba za praćenjem sadržaja koji se objavljuje te analizom utjecaja toga sadržaja na potencijalne birače. U ovome se radu analizira društvena mreža Facebook kao alat za korištenje u svrhu upravljanja odnosima s javnošću u političkim kampanjama. Metodološki pristup uključuje SWOT i TOWS analizu. SWOT se koristi za prepoznavanje ključnih čimbenika u vanjskome okruženju koji se identificiraju kao prilike ili prijetnje te čimbenika iz unutarnjega okruženja koji se mogu opisati kao prednosti ili slabosti korištenja Facebooka u ovu svrhu. SWOT analiza ne pokazuje različite sveze među čimbenicima, pa je razvijena matrica TOWS za identifikaciju strategija koje se mogu temeljiti na snagama, eliminaciji slabosti ili korištenju prilika. ; Social networks enable political parties and candidates interaction with potential voters. Extensive literature review indicated benefits of social networks usage, such as: gaining the publicity, spreading the message and mobilizing voters, but also some weaknesses. Therefore, there is a need to monitor the content being published on Facebook and to analyze the impact of this content on potential voters. This paper analyzes the social network Facebook as a tool for public relations management in political campaigns. The methodological approach includes SWOT and TOWS analysis. SWOT is used to identify key factors in an external environment that are identified as opportunities or threats and internal environment factors that can be described as the benefits or weaknesses of using Facebook for this purpose. The SWOT analysis does not show relation between the factors, thus TOWS matrix is developed to identify strategies based on the strengths, elimination of weaknesses or use of the opportunities.

In this paper the author evaluates the level of visual literacy of Croatian politicians. Her evaluation is based on the analysis of visual material used by political parties in the pre-electoral campaign late in 2007. Assisted by students at the Academy of Visual Arts as politically independent visual experts/evaluators, she examines the visual quality of the political message, its symbolic & communicational, as well as aesthetic & ethical value, taking the examples of posters, advertisements, spot commercials & other products. Research results point to the conclusion that our political public recognizes the power of images mainly in the context of present-day visually oriented society, & that it attempts to use visual effects in communication with potential voters in order to influence their opinions. Unfortunately, the level of such communication is very low, & mostly boils down to negative comparative advertising, which, as proven in other countries, is counterproductive, because it fosters mistrust & doubt of the public regarding the politicians' opportunities & ability to solve social problems. The visual rhetoric in politics requires an art of discourse that has a specific effect on its target group, & this in turn presupposes a high level of visual literacy of both the politicians themselves & the professionals they rely upon. Adapted from the source document.

In the article we analyze the election campaign processes for the European Parliament election in Slovenia in 2004. We emphasize different theoretical explanations of election campaigns, among which we synthesize three important sets of contents, defined as process-organizational, media & system elements of the campaign. In the article we analyze the existence of all mentioned contents, where we predict that we can talk about some sort of connection between the efficiency of the election campaign or the decision about the selection of the campaign elements & final election effects of final party success at the elections. On the basis of the exposed efficiency indicators & implemented analysis in the case of Slovenian election campaign for the European ejection we can not confirm the connectedness between different campaign activities & final election result between the competitive political parties. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

With the emergence of TV, pre-election campaigns in US shifted its focus from the content & the platform to the image of candidates who became well-packaged products. The biggest election turnout in US occurred exactly at the time of the emergence of this media; however, the percentages of voters' turnout plummeted in the 1990s. Enhanced by the attributes of TV as a media, the focus on "how" rather than on "what" did not achieve absolute results, & voters responded to the invasion of political image producers with voting abstinence. The latest chapter in pre-election campaigning is the Internet. With its properties & the rapid expansion of the users' net, the new media offers different conditions of communication with voters & is becoming a powerful -- & so far, insufficiently utilized -- weapon in the hands of pre-election strategists. 8 Tables, 1 Graph, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the position of journalists at the time of elections. It turns out that they are subject to pressures by politicians, who try to use the media for their promotion. Electoral reporting is extremely & precisely regulated; it would be hard to find some other field of journalism with such clearly elaborated recommendations & rules. Nevertheless, journalists are exposed to various methods of manipulation & pressures. Legal provisions are necessary, but it is also vital to understand the laws of the journalistic profession & the media. Also important is advertising or hidden advertising. The author concludes that reporting about elections could be professionalized primarily by decreasing the influence of political parties on the media, strengthening the institutions of civil society, & permanently educating journalists. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The collapse of the traditional social ties, the advance of the mass media & the advent of political marketing have altered the structure & the direction of electoral campaigns. Present-day media-mediated electoral campaigns are hotly debated. On one side are those who claim that campaigns simplify political reality, manipulate voters, encourage voting apathy & in the long run contribute to democratic deficit. On the other side are those who claim that campaigns had to adapt to the new communication environment, that only the attractive, media-honed campaigns can attract voters' attention & that the majority of campaigns on the whole are a positive influence on electoral participation & voters' familiarity with political processes. This paper is an attempt to present the arguments of both sides & to answer how & to what extent electoral campaigns affect the democratic process. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper presents results of the research into main messages of the 2011 parliamentary election campaign in Croatia. Contents analysis of television adverts and billboards show that the campaign was defined more by utilitarian marketing than by ambition to improve the democratic process and enhance debate on important social issues. In interpreting the results, we use the theoretical approach of Americanization, developed in the framework of contemporary political communication. The research has shown that there has been much more modernization in communication skills and technics used during the campaign, and much less when it comes to political contents. The paradox of this campaign was that it failed to focus on issues such as economic crisis and the struggle against corruption, although there has been a wide consensus that these were the main issues of political and social life at the time of elections. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.

The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.

Packaging politics has recently become a major topic of political communication research, studies, & debates. The author presents the definitions & views of this phenomenon & looks into its fundamental features & effects. By using this theoretical framework as his starting point, the author analyzes the extent of packaging politics in the electoral campaign of the HDZ & the SDP, the two biggest parties in Croatia in 2003, by focusing on the six ways of packaging politics in a campaign: the use of television, the cooperation of parties with spin doctors & media consultants, the media presentation of politicians' contacts with celebrities, the construction & promotion of political leaders' image, the attitudes to certain social issues & problems, & the attacks on the opponents. In his survey, the author uses the results of the content analysis of the samples of TV spots used in the campaign of 2003 as well as the results of the poll carried out on the eve of the elections on a representative sample of adult Croatian citizens. The results show that in this campaign the leading Croatian parties tried to win the voters' support by packaging politics, which was particularly noticeable in the intensive use of television & the promotion of the images of these parties' presidents. This & other methods of packaging politics were more expertly & deftly used by the winning party -- the HDZ -- than by its biggest rival, the SDP. The author points out how this evident packaging of politics affected the quality of the political discourse in that electoral campaign. That is why the campaign partly lost its primary function to provide a venue for an informed & public debate on key issues & problems of social development. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the role of TV debates in presidential electoral campaigns & how the pioneering attempt at their organization in Croatia in 2005 was received by Croatian voters & how these TV debates differed from the American model. Namely, one of the novel developments in the Croatian 2005 presidential electoral campaigns were three TV debates between Stjepan Mesic & Jadranka Kosor, the two leading candidates who competed in the run-off ballot. The debates were organized on the three national TV networks (HRT, RTL & Nova TV) & the ratings were high. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper looks into the institutional features of regulating the 2005 campaign for the election of the president of the Republic of Croatia. The role of the regulative institutions is analyzed within a broader context of the regulation of political funding in Croatia. The paper offers the arguments concerning the non-transparency of the system of party & election funding in Croatia based on a comparison of the principles of good practice in political financing. Nassmacher's approach to the regulation of political finances is used as the analytical framework for the analysis of financing the 2005 presidential campaign in Croatia. It is based on four options: the autonomy option, the transparency option, the advocacy option & the diversified regulation option. & finally, the paper includes a brief overview of the funding budgets of the election campaigns of the 2005 presidential candidates. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.