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An election campaign is an inseparable element of every election process. It is time preceding all democratic elections which in its being is exceptional and unique. This article is aimed at presenting to the comprehensive systematization of election campaigns. Ten criteria allowing to understand the complexity of the discussed political phenomenon were adopted. They are these criteria: the object, the time, the spatial reach, the legitimacy, the sequence of voting, the way of competition, the aim, the way of reaching the electorate, technological trends, methods of proceedings. For example the authoress assigned to the first criterion such electoral campaigns as: european, presidential, parliamentary, self-government. The systematization of election campaigns described in the article seems as of today to use up the complexity of the description of that political phenomenon. Maybe in the future implementing new criteria of the typology will be necessary. It will happen probably as a result of the rapid development of an contemporary election campaigns, and new criteria will concern rather strategic and tactical matters, than they will result from prescriptive regulations.

The political image of Andrzej Duda in the presidential election campaign of Law and Justice in 2015. Since 2005, in Poland we are progressive and coexisting two key processes for development and evaluation of political campaigns. The first is the americanization of the campaigns, and other activities professionalization staffs. It seems that without the use of techniques characterized for political marketing would not be possible for the second time in Poland after 1989 change after the first term of office of the President. First departure Polish policy of Donald Tusk and the choice of an unknown politician — Andrzej Duda on the President, in fact, a political era ends and exhausts ruling so far Civic Platform effective strategy to scare of Jarosław Kaczyński. Secondly, the results of these elections mean consent youngest voters "change" on "anti‑system slogans" and finally as it seems, this means the announcement of acceptance for the appearance of a new political force in Poland.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki - kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept offraming of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki – kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept of framing of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.

The purpose of the article is to assess the degree of presence of the idea of secularism in the election programs of the main political parties participating in the Polish parliamentary elections in 2019. The article adopts the understanding of the so-called political secularism which was referred to the institution of the Roman Catholic Church due to the context of research, as well as the fact that Catholics constitute the dominant part of Polish society and because of the major socio-political importance of the Catholic Church in Poland. The research material were the electoral programs of party election committees, as well as the speeches of their political leaders delivered during the main electoral program conventions. The article increases the cognitive value of the issue of political communication regarding the idea of secularism during the parliamentary campaign of 2019. Research has shown that religion has become an important factor in political discourse during the parliamentary campaign in Poland in 2019. The topic about the role of the Catholic Church institutions in the public sphere was, however, taken up only through Law and Justice and the Left. A clear polarization of views of these election committees was noted. Law and Justice spoke out against the idea of secularism, while the Left supported this idea. The Confederation, Polish People's Party and Civic Coalition remained silent in the election programs about the idea of a secular state. ; Celem artykułu jest ocena stopnia obecności idei sekularyzmu w programach wyborczych głównych partii politycznych startujących w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych 2019 roku. W artykule przyjęto rozumienie tzw. sekularyzmu politycznego i odniesiono je do instytucji Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego ze względu na kontekst badań, a także na fakt, że katolicy stanowią dominującą część społeczeństwa polskiego i ze względu na doniosłe znaczenie społeczno-polityczne Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce.Materiał badawczy stanowiły programy wyborcze partyjnych komitetów wyborczych, jak również przemówienia ich liderów politycznych wygłoszone podczas głównych wyborczych konwencji programowych.Artykuł zwiększa wartość poznawczą zagadnienia komunikowania politycznego dotyczącego idei sekularyzmu w okresie kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. Badania dowiodły, że religia stała się istotnym czynnikiem dyskursu politycznego w czasie kampanii parlamentarnej w Polsce w 2019 r. Temat dotyczący roli instytucji Kościoła katolickiego w sferze publicznej był jednak podjęty jedynie przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość oraz Lewicę. Odnotowano wyrazistą dychotomiczność poglądów tychże komitetów wyborczych. PiS wypowiedział się przeciw idei sekularyzmu, zaś Lewica tę ideę wsparła. Konfederacja, PSL oraz KW Koalicja Obywatelska przemilczały w programach wyborczych kwestię idei państwa świeckiego.

This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act. ; This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act.

The subject of the following paper is an analysis of the role social stereotypes have in election campaigns. The first part concerns the definition of the stereotype and its subject-object relation in political reality. Consequently, when considering the marketing and propaganda actions, four pragmatic functions of political campaigns are evoked: location, values and the demands of the autogroup, social engineering and election program, which are related to the four basic functions of stereotypes: cognitive, integrative, defending and adaptive. Every single function is assigned to the stereotypes, which are dominant in Polish politics.

The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process. ; The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.

The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gain- ing or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 elec- tion campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.

The article presents the course and character of the political electoral rivalry conducted during the self­government campaign in 2006 in Konin town and Konin Poviat. The starting point for the analysis and the electoral fight waged by the campaign participants was the domination of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) in wielding power in the town since 1992. It focused on the following program issues: construction investments in the town and the region, and from the side of the opposition - the fight for decommunization of the town office. Observers of the local political stage agreed that the results of the discussed self­government elections depended on the new electoral regulations based on blocking electoral registers. In Konin, three election blocs were established, and 5 people ran for mayor. The further part of the text presents the election results, in which the result of achieved electoral attendance proved to be particularly important as it attested to the strengthening of democratic standards and customs. The winner of the self­government elections in Konin was the Civic Platform (PO), whereas further fight for mayor was waged by a politician of SLD and a woman candidate from PO. However, the negative campaign conducted by the latter before the second round of the elections was not accepted by Konin residents, who opted for keeping the left­wing government in the town.

The main goal of this study is the verification of a hypothesis/idea of centralized personalization during Polish electoral campaigns. Because of its goal and implemented methodology, such research project is unique among research presented in scientific literature thus far. The work has a descriptive character; it is congruent with treatments from the field of political communication, combining approaches of communicology and political science, in that it expresses an attempt to include in the analysis the circumstances of election campaign personalization and factors specific to mediacentric and political -scientific perspectives, as well as because of the fact of recognizing media content in political party communication. Election communication research includes six Polish parliamentary elections from the years 1993—2001. Along with an analysis of communiqué contents, published in information media, as well as communiqué prepared by political subjects contending in the elections, basic analysis methods within the study are historical-comparative and statistical data analyses. The specific objectives of the treatment are: — Description of circumstances of the political communication personalization thesis on the level of mediatization of politics and political campaign professionalization theories; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of the electoral campaign personalization trend based on empirical research conducted in western-European parliamentary democracies; — Recognition of conditions of electoral campaign personalization in parliamentary elections in Poland; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of media personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on opinion-forming press research; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of strategic personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on political TV advertisement research.

The aim of the article was the analysis of the political thought of Unia Demokratyczna, Unia Wolności and Partia Demokratyczna demokraci.pl, that refers to one of fundamental pillars of the activity of this group, i.e. the past, and the influence of Komitet Obrony Robotników (Workers' Defense Committee) and "Solidarności" (Solidarity) on the ideological heritage and functioning of UD, UW and PD. The focus was also put on the issue if, and in what way the leading figures of the analysed political subjects emphasised, in the new political reality, their origins while being in widely understood political opposition in the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, and how the program content of KOR and "Solidarity" was reflected in UD, UW and PD statements. The research aim undertook within the considerations was verification of the following research hypotheses: 1) referring to the tradition of Solidarity in the communities of UD, UW and PD was treated as legitimization of power and social trust; 2) associating of UD, UW and PD with the tradition deriving from the period of political opposition was something artificial and created entirely for the purposes of the political campaign and treated as a marketing measure. Among the applied research methods a significant meaning had the analysis of the sources of political thought, including program documents, stenographs of conferences or numerous interviews, as well as the comparative method that served to compare positions of political parties towards particular issues. The conducted analyses imply that UD, UW and PD had different approaches towards the tradition of KOR and "Solidarity", which resulted from grading the political heritage and adaptability of these aspects of activities undertaken in 70s and 80s that suited the new political reality. In this sense the only acceptable form of emphasising the tradition of "Solidarity" in the political thought of UD, UW and PD was using it for promotional purposes in the period of political campaigns, with almost no reference to the tradition of KOR. ; Celem artykułu była analiza myśli politycznej Unii Demokratycznej, Unii Wolności i Partii Demokratycznej demokraci.pl odnosząca się do jednego z zasadniczych filarów działalności tego środowiska, tj. przeszłości, a zwłaszcza wpływu tradycji Komitetu Obrony Robotników i "Solidarności" na dorobek ideowy i sposób funkcjonowania UD, UW i PD. Uwagę skoncentrowano również na tym, czy i w jaki sposób czołowe postacie analizowanych podmiotów politycznych, podejmując aktywność w ramach szeroko pojętej opozycji politycznej w latach 70. i 80. XX wieku, akcentowały w nowej rzeczywistości politycznej swój rodowód oraz na ile treści programowe KOR i "Solidarności" znalazły swoje odzwierciedlenie w enuncjacjach UD, UW i PD. Celami badawczymi podjętymi w ramach poczynionych rozważań była weryfikacja następujących hipotez badawczych: 1) powoływanie się na tradycję "Solidarności" w środowisku UD, UW i PD traktowano w kategoriach legitymizacji władzy i społecznego zawierzenia; 2) utożsamianie się przez UD, UW i PD z tradycją wywodzoną z okresu działalności opozycji politycznej było tworem sztucznym stworzonym wyłącznie na potrzeby kampanii wyborczych traktowanym jako zabieg marketingowy. Wśród wykorzystanych metod badawczych istotne znaczenie odegrała analiza źródeł myśli politycznej, w tym licznych dokumentów programowych, stenogramów konferencji czy wywiadów, oraz metoda komparatystyczna, służąca porównaniu stanowisk partii politycznych wobec podejmowanej problematyki. Z przeprowadzonych analiz wynika, iż UD, UW i PD odmiennie podchodziły do tradycji KOR i "Solidarności", co wynikało z różnicowania dziedzictwa opozycyjnego i zarazem adaptowalności tych aspektów działalności z lat 70. i 80. XX wieku, które przystawały do nowej rzeczywistości politycznej. W tym znaczeniu jedyną akceptowalną formą eksponowania tradycji "Solidarności" w myśli politycznej UD, UW i PD było wykorzystywanie jej do celów promocyjnych w okresie kampanii wyborczych, przy znikomym wręcz odniesieniu do tradycji KOR.