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A Csehszlovákiai Magyar Demokratikus Népi Szövetség és a Mindszenty-per szlovákiai recepciója
A második világháborút követő évek legjelentősebb (cseh)szlovákiai illegális magyar szervezete volt a Csehszlovákiai Magyar Demokratikus Népi Szövetség (Csmadnész). Megalakulását a magyar kisebbséget ért jogfosztó intézkedések váltották ki. Célja az volt, hogy dokumentálja ezeket, információval lássa el a csehszlovákiai magyarságot, s tájékoztassa a magyarországi hivatalokat. A földalatti szervezet munkájába elsősorban katolikus papok, református lelkészek, Pozsonyban tanuló egyetemisták kapcsolódtak be. Sokszorosított illegális lapokat is kiadtak, állandó kapcsolatot építettek ki a magyar katolikus egyház fejével, Mindszenty József esztergomi hercegprímással (akit folyamatosan tájékoztattak is a magyar kisebbséget sújtó jogfosztó intézkedésekről), sőt a párizsi békekonferenciára memorandumot is intéztek a magyar kormány vezető tisztségviselőihez, amelyben a szlovákiai magyar kisebbség érdekeinek védelmére szólították fel azokat. A csehszlovák hatóságok természetesen figyelemmel kísérték az illegális szervezkedést, s a párizsi békekonferenciát követően fokozatosan felszámolták annak tevékenységét. Az ún. "csehszlovákiai Mindszenty-perben" 1949 végén született meg az ítélet - államellenes bűncselekmény vádjával többeket hosszú börtönbüntetésre ítélve. Ezen szervezet történetét, és a Mindszenty-per csehszlovákiai recepcióját mutatja be Bukovszky László most megjelenő kötete
Social Stratification and Political Behaviour. The Problem of Status Inconsistency
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 309-323
ISSN: 1588-2918
Family and media. The appearance of family as a topic in the political press
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 117-144
ISSN: 1588-2918
The Strict Father and the Nurturant Parent: The Deep Structure of Conservative and Liberal Political Value Systems in the United States
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 125-137
ISSN: 1588-2918
Montenegró és Európa – az integrációs folyamat kérdőjelei
The fragmentation of the Montenegrin society is significant, in terms of identities, ethnic groups and political values as well. However, the subsidized nature of the alternative of joining the EU is significant and almost unified, which can not be stated in the case of the NATO membership at all. The above mentioned fragmentation goes also with strong political division but the internal conflicts of the past 20 years have not led to violent occurrences, civil war, which can be considered a remarkable phenomenon among the Western-Balkan relations. The country is characterized by organized crime, nepotism, the presence of clan-like phenomena, corruption and the underdevelopment of democratic culture. Among the tasks of Montenegro regarding its accession to the EU, besides strengthening the jurisdiction, reducing the political nature of the administration, the fight againstorganized crime and in this context the elimination of the extensive corruption are prominently included.
BASE
Does context matter? A cross-country investigation of the effects of the media context on external and internal political efficacy (accepted manuscript at International Journal of Comparative Sociology)
As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.
BASE
The Present of Classical Political Trends. European Party Families and Ideologies in the early 21st Century (Ed. by Bayer József, MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete, Budapest, 2008. 153 pp.)
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 365-370
ISSN: 1588-2918
Az igazságügyi gyermekvédelem fejlődése Finkeytől napjainkig
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 109-124
ISSN: 2734-7095
Child protection in justice is designed to prevent crime among children and juveniles, to keep them away from further crime, and to reintegrate young offenders into society. So, it also covers the areas of prevention, enforcement, and aftercare. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, it was recognized that child protection covers the elimination of a child's financial vulnerability, the prevention of moral misconduct, and the representation of the interests of both orphans and the unhealthy. The country's opportunities have been influenced not only by political ideologies but also by the human and material casualties suffered as a result of the two world wars. The current focus of child protection in justice is always on socio-economic and political problems. Examining the personality and family relationships of juvenile offenders also went a long way in the designated period. The protection of children in justice also affects the areas of administrative law, criminal substantive and procedural law, and criminology. At the end of the paper, I compare the institution of patronage and the preventive patronage.
Bibó and fear a Hungarian concept of political theory between two culture-historically noted intellectual achievements: I. rész A félelem problémája a politikum és a vallás gyökereinélPart I the problem of fear at the roots of polity and religion
In: Társadalomkutatás, Band 31, Heft 2, S. 125-139
ISSN: 1588-2918
Ártatlanul elítélve – a móri bankrablás tanulságai
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 77-85
ISSN: 2734-7095
On 9 May 2002, eight people were killed in a bank robbery in Erste Bank's branch in Mór. The serious crime has put tremendous pressure on the public to find the perpetrators as soon as possible. About a month and a half after the crime had been committed, Ede Kaiser and László Hajdú were arrested on 24 July 2002 – they were reasonably suspected of committing the bank robbery, according to the police. Based on the evidence gathered, they were charged in December 2003 and convicted a year later. In 2007, however, new evidence emerged, the weapons used in the crime were found and led to the real perpetrators. The innocent convict was acquitted in November 2009 in a retrial. The study shows what factors may have led to the wrong judgment. Thus, it covers the dangers of hot pursuit and the benefits of raster investigation, which could have identified the real perpetrators much sooner.