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The article contrasts the richness of academic production on illegal markets in Brazil to the obscurantist context of contemporary Brazilian politics. The text takes up the main topics of the Special Issue and faces a challenging question: considering the knowledge produced by the articles as a whole and the situation opened by the victory of the far- right in Brazil, what can we expect in the near future? Certainly, continuity, if not increase, of mass incarceration with class, racial and territorial bias, as well as strengthening of the most retrograde policies in criminal justice, with official legitimation of police lethality in peripheries and favelas, now consecrated as a State policy. On the one hand the modern edge of capitalism, the most insidiously averse to rights, exclusive and inseparable from crime; on the other, social barbarism. O artigo contrasta a riqueza da produção acadêmica sobre mercados ilegais, no Brasil, ao contexto obscurantista da política brasileira contemporânea. O texto retoma os principais temas do dossiê e enfrenta uma questão desafiadora: considerando-se o conhecimento produzido pelo conjunto dos artigos e a conjuntura aberta pela vitória da ultradireita no Brasil, o que podemos esperar para o futuro próximo? Certamente, continuidade, se não incremento, do encarceramento em massa com viés de classe, cor e território, bem como fortalecimento do que há de mais retrógrado na justiça criminal, com legitimação oficial da letalidade policial em periferias e favelas, consagradas agora como política de Estado. De um lado a ponta moderna do capitalismo, a mais insidiosamente avessa a direitos, excludente e indissociável do crime; de outro, a barbárie social. Publisher's Note:This article has been published in both Portuguese and English. To download the Portuguese version, click the "Download" link and select "PDF (PT)". Este artigo foi publicado tanto em Inglês, como em Português. Para baixar a versão em Português, clique "Download" e depois selecione "PDF (PT)".

Ao tratar da variedade de situações criminais que caem sob a qualificação de "Crime Organizado", este artigo apresenta a evolução das principais redes de mercados ilegais no Rio de Janeiro - o jogo do bicho, o tráfico de drogas, as "mercadorias políticas" -, para argumentar que a compra e venda de mercadorias políticas (extorsões e corrupção, venda de proteção, acesso a informações sobre operações policiais etc.) constitui uma das principais chaves para a compreensão da acumulação social da violência no Rio de Janeiro. ; By dealing with a variety of criminal situations that are qualified as "Organized Crime", this article presents the evolution of the main networks of illegal markets in Rio de Janeiro - "jogo do bicho" (the animal game - an illegal gambling pastime in Brazil), the drug trade, and "political commodities" - , in order to argue that the sales and acquisition of these political commodities (such as extortions, corruption, sales of protection, access to information on police operations etc.) constitutes one of the key concepts in understanding the social accumulation of violence in the city.

Using the Foucaultian framework, we examine here the basic assumption of the modern and contemporary political order, namely the decisive conception that men are governable. In the genealogical path opened by Michel Foucault we examined the political reworking of what was originally the Judeo-Christian spiritual power of governing souls. For Foucault, the modern political government of men is situated at the intersection of two sets of powers foreshadowed in early Christianity: a) the pastoral art of conducting conduct displaced from the eschatological destination of souls to the calculated management of (biopolitical) biological life and b) the dual production of the knowledge necessary for good governance; the utilitarian production of the truth that serves the pastoral art of government itself and the pure or aleturgical manifestation of the truth with regard to the governable.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Este trabalho trata de uma revisão bibliográfica preliminar de pesquisa sobre o passo do frevo, manifestação carnavalesca da cultura popular pernambucana, com a intenção de investigar as transformações nessa dança, seus percursos de escolarização e espetacularização e as implicações estéticas e políticas desse processo. De dança marginal e alvo de perseguição de elites, a dança do frevo tornou-se expressão cultural emblemática de Pernambuco. A pesquisa em andamento procura investigar a temática com base na compreensão do contexto histórico e social do surgimento e desenvolvimento desta manifestação (MENEZES NETO, 2014), da criação de métodos de aprendizado de dança popular (VICENTE, 2009) e do conceito de espetacularização (DEBORD, 1996), (CARVALHO, 2010), entre outros.

DOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2021/61769ResumoQuais seriam os critérios para aferição do caráter desumano de atos praticados por governos contra a população civil durante uma pandemia? Para responder a esta pergunta, o presente ensaio, situado na interface entre o direito internacional penal e a saúde global, resgata um passado de práticas delituosas no campo sanitário para apontar, no presente, a determinação política e ideológica das respostas nacionais à Covid-19. A seguir, recorre ao pensamento de Hannah Arendt e Mireille Delmas-Marty para tratar do caráter evolutivo dos crimes contra a humanidade, como base para a análise de um caso paradigmático: a resposta brasileira à pandemia de Covid-19, cujas condutas governamentais são apresentadas à luz de elementos como contexto, actus reus e mens rea.Palavras-chave: Pandemia, Crimes contra a humanidade, Saúde global AbstractWhat are the criteria for assessing the inhumane character of acts committed by governments against the civilian population during a pandemic? To answer this question, this essay, situated at the interface between international criminal law and global health, recalls a past of criminal practices in the health field to point out, in the present, the political and ideological determinants of national responses to Covid-19. Next, it draws on the thought of Hannah Arendt and Mireille Delmas-Marty to address the evolving nature of crimes against humanity, as a basis for the analysis of a paradigmatic case: the Brazilian response to the Covid-19 pandemic, whose governmental conducts are presented in the light of elements such as context, actus reus and mens rea.Keywords: Pandemic, Crimes against humanity, Global health.

Through an analysis of the transformations and persistencies in the image­-power­-knowledge relationship that result from the spread of digital communication's technologies, our goal is to characterize the emergence of a conflict that, in the politics of visuality and the cyberspace's techno­political configuration, reflects similar tensions that constitute the actual power relations diagram. The research begins with an investigation of the historical background that influenced Thomas Hobbes Leviathan's images production, where a given visual order corresponds to a new power order. Then, we analyze the changes of this specific configuration – that is perceptible as the Leviathan image regime's metaphor - in face of the analog and digital image production technologies. Our hypothesis is that the disputes (aesthetic, legal, economic) that attempt to regulate the image within the digital media domain and that shape a particular politics of visibility, are similar to those tensions that affect the cyberspace conditions to become a different 'sensible' surface (medium), that potentially mobilizes other forms of knowing, other models of organization and production. To examine this issue, we analyze the ongoing conflict between different social forces that point out both for new practices and meanings that emerge in the cybercultural arena, and for the trends that attempts to impose over the digital medium the regulatory mechanisms established in the context of analog medium. At the end we characterize the current power diagram, and we argue that cyberspace aesthetic and political configuration depend upon a capacity to intervene over the very fundamentals that regulate its field of enunciation and visibility. Finally, we take it as a struggle for others modes of thought and social organization models, as a war over the virtual and imaginary production, therefore a war that is oriented to the future.

The background theme of the article is the political regimes in Spinoza. The aim is to analyze, within that broader theme, the distribution of power among the members of the political body as a common theme about the regimes. The question of the political regimes in Spinoza is not only about the number of governors. A list of concepts - like man as 'potentia', affects, 'multitudo', 'imperium', among others - must be taken into account to address the classic question.

The public space is the stage for the most varied conflicts, resulting, in certain cases, in violence. However, it is in this space that men experience freedom, expressing themselves in front of plurality of opinions. As it is a space for free expression, our actions and opinions are not always received without contradiction, arousing resentful feelings. Following Arendt's thinking, the public space is the arena in which everyone should manifest themselves spontaneously, showing themselves from their uniqueness before the plurality that characterizes the community. As it is a space for the expression of the individual, guided by freedom and plurality, the individual's action is irreversible and unpredictable, enabling a cycle of misunderstandings and violence. Consequently, there is no way to prevent conflicting emotions from being fed by the damage originated from political action. According to Arendt, resentments are emotional states peculiar to human beings, facilitating common understanding and coexistence. Thus, resentment can lead to acts against injustice, with punishment and forgiveness, enabling a new beginning. However, there are acts that are not in keeping with forgiveness, such as the crimes perpetrated by Nazism, whose relationship established among men was not human. In the face of the absurdity of the situation, on which there is no way to judge, forgiveness has no place, closing the doors to a new beginning. Anyway, this text intends to explore the role of resentment as a factor that enables the survival of public space, but that can also lead to its destruction.