Suchergebnisse

Women remain poorly represented in Congress and state legislatures throughout the United States, but the under‐representation of women in the states of the Old South remain significantly greater than in nonsouthern states. This article examines the question of southern women's under‐representation in Congress and state legislatures. The literature on women's representation reviewed in this article indicates that the traditional political culture and the patriarchal social culture of the Old South have hampered and continue to restrict the election of women from the Old South at both the national and state levels. In addition to reviewing the literature on representation, this article provides recent statistics on the representation of women in legislatures in the United States.

Our understanding of American philanthropy lacks a well-developed regional dimension despite the prevalence of regionalism in so much of American history and life. The value in exploring regional patterns in giving and volunteering among Americans lies in its practical application for the management and development of nonprofit organizations. A review of the rich literature on American regionalism yields at least one model-Daniel Elazar's delineation of political cultures-that investigators might employ to uncover regional variations in the ways in which Americans approach and practice philanthropy. Distinctive philanthropic cultures are hypothesized based on Elazar's paradigm and are offered as a regional overlay on current mappings of place-to-place differences.

In 1929 a group of the Argentine socialist party launched a process of political and ideological radicalization which ended in a party division towards 1937 and in the establishment of the Socialist Workers Party. This article aims to approach some aspects involving the international context present in this leftist group's editorial enterprises, in order to contribute to the comprehension of a wider scenario: the political cultures in Argentina during those years, in the understanding that the partisan press was a key gear in such phenomenon. Those papers related to the advance of fascism, as well as the course of the Spanish socialism, are specifically analyzed, in the understanding that the positioning on the so called international question allows us to further analyze the motives, trajectories and political identity building –among other questions- of the dissident wing. ; In 1929 a group of the Argentine socialist party launched a process of political and ideological radicalization which ended in a party division towards 1937 and in the establishment of the Socialist Workers Party. This article aims to approach some aspects involving the international context present in this leftist group's editorial enterprises, in order to contribute to the comprehension of a wider scenario: the political cultures in Argentina during those years, in the understanding that the partisan press was a key gear in such phenomenon. Those papers related to the advance of fascism, as well as the course of the Spanish socialism, are specifically analyzed, in the understanding that the positioning on the so called international question allows us to further analyze the motives, trajectories and political identity building –among other questions- of the dissident wing.

Résumé Cet article avance que les apports de la micro-sociologie et de l'histoire culturelle sont indispensables pour comprendre les processus de la formation de l'État. Il part des préoccupations historiographiques à présent bien connues sur l'établissement de systèmes militaires et fiscaux efficaces puis il conteste l'idée d'une distinction trop nette entre les questions politiques et les questions administra-tives. Il attire l'attention sur l'importance dans toutes les aires de compétence de l'État d'un accord entre les élites locales et les gouvernements centraux. En imposant l'autorité de l'État dans les communautés locales, les élites renforçaient en même temps leurs positions sociales. Les processus qui ont conduit à la formation des élites et à la formation de l'État sont étroitement liés et les termes de l'accord étaient conditionnels c'est-à-dire qu'ils pouvaient être négociés et qu'ils étaient contestables et de nature politique. L'analyse de la légitimation de la position sociale et politique des élites locales conduit l'auteur à s'intéresser à la représentation des pouvoirs politique et sociaux et donc à l'histoire culturelle et à la micro-sociologie. L'établissement des « bureaucraties » doit également être replacé dans le contexte de la légitimation du pouvoir et donc dans le cadre d'une étude d'histoire culturelle. Cependant, les approches liées à l'histoire culturelle sont souvent considérées comme des outils plus puissants pour l'analyse des structures que pour l'étude des dynamiques. La dernière partie de cet article livre quelques réflexions sur la manière de réconcilier la tension entre l'analyse synchronique de la culture (politique) et l'analyse du changement à travers le temps communément associé aux histoires de l'État. Elle s'appuie alors sur les travaux en cours de l'auteur sur la Révolution anglaise.

After the polarizing 2016 presidential election, I heard from many distressed students who felt they lacked the skills or confidence to have difficult conversations with those who disagreed with them politically. In response, I developed a course that aims to help students grow in the virtues and skills necessary for listening and dialogue, putting these to use discussing controversial issues including abortion, gun rights and regulations, cancel culture, speech on campus, immigration, environmental policy, and kneeling for the national anthem. In this article, I make the case for foregrounding virtues such as attentiveness, curiosity, intellectual humility, and empathy to promote good dialogue and prepare students to engage productively across difference. Then, I describe the course design, share qualitative results from student reflections, and highlight insights that are applicable across disciplines. Finally, I address practical obstacles and ethical concerns that have arisen when teaching polarizing topics and offer responses to these challenges.

This article deal with the main theoretical and methodological issues in the study of religion,with the purpose of contributing in the analytical complexity as well as in the valorationof the religion as a major scope of action, taking into account the re-signification ofthe meanings involved in the cultural and political dynamics of present societies.To achievethis, it takes a double differentiation. On the one hand, theoretical and philosophicalpositions that implicate thinking about religion as a phenomenon ora experience. On theother, mainstreams of religion studies in the twentieth century. ; El artículo aborda las principales cuestiones teórico-metodológicas para el estudio de lareligión con el objetivo de aportar a la complejización analítica y a la valoración de la religióncomo un ámbito principal de acción y re-significación de los sentidos que repercutenen la dinámica político-cultural de las sociedades actuales. Para ello, se realiza una doblediferenciación; por un lado, los planteamientos teórico-filosóficos que implica pensar loreligioso como fenómeno o experiencia; por otro, las principales corrientes de estudio de lareligión en el siglo xx.

A literature review was conducted in 40 articles published between 2010 and 2016 that deal with academic culture and its relationship to the teaching-learning process in different colleges and countries.It evinces the interest and recognition to the importance of all this in the college endeavors,in the different political, social and cultural situations occurring throughout its becoming.In this vein,this work is a contribution to the field of knowledge built out of the gaps identified in the bibliography as well as the lack of consensus shown by the reviewed authors.Finally, the academic culture is defined under a broader and more transcendental vision. ; La revisión de literatura realizada con 40 artículos publicados entre 2010 y 2016, sobre la cultura académica y su relación con el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje, en diferentes universidades y países, evidencia el interés y reconocimientoa su importancia en el quehacer universitario, en coyunturas políticas, sociales, culturales presentes en su devenir. En tal sentido, constituye un aporte al campo del conocimientoque se construye a partir de los vacíos identificados en la bibliografía y la falta de consenso evidenciada entre los autores revisados. Finalmente, se define la cultura académica con una visión más amplia y trascendental.

The Argentine unemployed movement of the piqueteros was a key socio-political player in the early 2000s. Although public and academic attention paid to these piqueteros has decreased notably since 2010, they continue to be active. This article provides an empirical update to the existing research on Argentina's unemployed movement by analysing how distinct piquetero organizations have adapted to evolving political and socioeconomic changes during the presidency of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2008-2015). In drawing on social movement research, we suggest a number of mechanisms that can help to explain the continuing existence of the piqueteros. While a persistent focus on grassroots work has been identified as key to their existence, adaptation to the changing political and socioeconomic context has meant that core claims related to the very issue of (un-)employment, including the demand for dignified work, have largely been dropped from the political agenda of various piquetero organizations.

Human capital attributes, such as political skill, motivate employees and relate to their success. While political skill is associated with greater objective (i.e. salary) and subjective (i.e. career satisfaction) career success, the strength of these relationships has been inconsistent. Grounded in social identity theory, therefore, we propose and test the hypothesis that in certain types of contexts, political skill may be more strongly associated with subjective career success than objective career success. The sample ( N = 856) was taken from a large family-controlled financial services firm in Ecuador. Using Smart Partial Least Squares (PLS) structural equation modeling, our results showed that, in the unique Ecuadorian context, political skill is more strongly related to career satisfaction than to performance evaluations or salary. In addition, the relationship between political skill and career satisfaction is partially mediated by affective commitment. Theoretical explanations of how political skill operates in non-Western contexts have not been addressed in the extant literature. As such, our single-culture context provides an elaboration-type advancement in political skill theory by testing the boundaries of the theory in very specific contexts. This work contributes to cross-cultural management research by providing a reason for why specific employee skill sets may be developed in different ways depending on cultural specifics. As such, excelling at certain work skills may be much more socially complex when cultural dynamics are taken into consideration.

It is sustained that scientific-technological culture is a necessary condition for democratic life in contemporary societies. This thesis is supported through two recent examined events in Mexico: sanitary emergency during 2009 spring due to an influenza outbreak, and transnational demand for transgenic corn open field sowing, due to a Biosecurity Genetically Modified Organisms Law whose regulations were modified. In both cases, political decision making and population participation would have been different, and closer to an authentic democratic society, if an adequate scientific- technological culture existed, permitting citizen participation in an informed way and collaborating in the construction of a proper scientific-technological culture, besides the idea of science and technology philosophy which is rejected, keeping it separated from an "analytical" and "humanistic" aspect. Both are necessary and should be integrated in an adequate science and technology philosophic conception, essential in current societies. ; Se sostiene que la cultura científico-tecnológica es una condición necesaria para la vida democrática de las sociedades contemporáneas. Esta tesis se respalda mediante el examen de dos episodios recientes en México: la emergencia sanitaria de la primavera de 2009 por un brote de influenza, y las solicitudes de compañías transnacionales de siembra de maíz transgénico a campo abierto, hecho posible a partir de modificaciones al reglamento de la Ley de Bioseguridad de Organismos Genéticamente Modificados. En ambos casos la toma de decisiones políticas y la participación de la población hubiera sido diferente, y más acorde con una auténtica sociedad democrática, si existiera una adecuada cultura científico-tecnológica que permitiera a la ciudadanía participar de manera informada y de acuerdo con sus intereses. Se comenta el papel de la filosofía para elucidar y colaborar en la construcción de la cultura científico-tecnológica apropiada, y se rechaza la idea de que la filosofía de la ciencia y de la tecnología debe mantenerse separada entre una vertiente "analítica" y una "humanística"; ambos enfoques son necesarios y deben integrarse en una adecuada concepción filosófica de la ciencia y la tecnología, indispensable en la sociedades actuales.

What is the importance of linkages between civil society and external actors? In this article we map the landscape of civil society organisations in Belarus and Ukraine linked to the EU or Russia. Compiling an extensive dataset of organisations, we identify which domains they belong to. We find that linkages with Russia prevail in the culture domain and are based on shared past and exclusive identities. By contrast, linkages with the EU operate in domains related to a democratic future and include diverse groups. These linkages interact dynamically with limited access orders: where they can contribute to opening, they are often restricted ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakult. ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

Представлены основные гипотезы предстоящего политико-психологического исследования. ; The study of characteristics of formation of state image in mass political consciousness is one of the most topical trend of research in Russian politic-psychology. Such interest is fully appropriate because a state is the fundamental of society which is controlling and regulating all basic spheres of human life. Creation of this image presumes that an individual gets different signals from external environment and then cognitively processes the received information. We point out several important factors which play the key role in formation of state image in mass political consciousness of Russian citizens. First of all we are interested in the new Russian state formation as an object of perception in post soviet period. The process of transformation is combined with multiple changes both in political, social and economical spheres and in people's minds. Such processes as changing of political course, system of values, foreign-policy priorities became a part of citizen's everyday life. This created a situational context for perception of the state image. People's civil reaction to those events, acceptance or rejection of reforms and their attitude to the new state power, which was personified with the new state, can be explained with political culture which emerged in Russia for centuries. Therefore political culture and situational context create another factor of forming of state image the political context. Over the past 20 years the mass media increased its influence on public opinion. Now it is not a source of information only, but a powerful political-psychological mechanism which can seriously transform the political consciousness of citizens. For this reason the mass media is one of the most important parts of another communication factor that influences the formation of state image.

This study focuses on the memories of and narratives about house squatting projects in the late 1980's, in the Haga neighbourhood in Gothenburg (Göteborg), Sweden by a group of people that came to be known as Husnallarna. This period is critical in terms of constituting a break with an earlier period in Swedish history, defined by social democracy, which came under pressure of strong forces of neoliberalism. One conclusion of the paper is that a group of young people, belonging to a counterculture, rebelled both against the modernist conforming political culture of the welfare state and an expected gentrification, partly by adopting and adjusting to the heritage status of an urban neighbourhood. This heritage status became a part of the identity of the group, and conserving tradition became an act of rebellion, as well as a commoning practice integrating the squatters in the neighbourhood. The study makes use of present-day social media and interviews with activists/squatters.

The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens' sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens' affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror attacks, in which a former Progress Party member committed two devastating attacks against the Labour government and Labour Youth summer camp. This is studied using a survey experimental approach, relying on panel data from the Norwegian Citizen Panel. Drawing on the authoritarian dynamics' literature, it incorporates the four-item child-rearing values index measure of authoritarian predispositions which offers a personality-based explanation for why people react differently to threat. In contrast to the authoritarian dynamics' literature, which has found that it is either authoritarians or non-authoritarians who react, this study finds that both authoritarians and non-authoritarians simultaneously respond to high-intensity political conflict. Whereas non-authoritarians rally in support of social democratic voters, authoritarians rally in support of radical right voters. Further differentiating between those with low and high authoritarianism scores, we see that low-authoritarians also become more hostile to social democratic voters. This indicates that conflict involving populist radical right parties is a driver of personality-based, affective sorting of citizens. Since personality is relatively stable, the resulting state of polarization is also likely to be quite durable.