Suchergebnisse

La mayoría de los países latino-americanos han experimentado avances democráticos formales signifi cativos. Sin embargo, persisten problemas históricos de desigualdad social y restricciones a una participación más amplia en la arena política por parte de los ciudadanos. En ese sentido la democracia en esta región funciona en un ambiente de elevada exclusión social, limitando su fortalecimiento en la dimensión social. Esa situación ha permitido el surgimiento de modalidades de participación política fuera de las formas convencionales, no como sustitutos de las organizaciones legalmente aceptadas como mediadoras políticas, y si como complementos de estas. Este trabajo objetiva analizar los factores que podrían tornar eses esfuerzos de participación alternativa más efectivos. Se examina, de ese modo, el potencial papel del desarrollo sostenible, del capital social y del empoderamiento que, junto con los procedimientos poliárquicos, podrían fomentar iniciativas conjuntas entre Estado e sociedad para construir una democracia más equitativa y eficiente. ; Most Latin American countries have experienced signifi cant formal democratic advances. However, these nations still exhibit historical problems of social inequality and constraints for a wider participation of citizens in the political arena. In this situation, democracy in this region operates in a context of social exclusion, restricting its strengthening in the social dimension. These circumstances have generated the emergence of informal modes of political participation, not as substitutes of the more conventional forms of political involvement, but as complements to the legal forms. This article analyzes the factors that could make those eff orts of alternative political engagement more eff ective. It discusses the potential role of sustainable development, social capital and empowerment, which, along with polyarchical procedures, could help to promote the construction of more equitable and effi cient democracies.

Актуальность. Установление закономерностей конструирования концепта "политическое благополучие" в плотной сети коммуникаций современной культуры является научной проблемой и позволяет сформировать новое междисциплинарное предметное поле в современных философско-культурологических исследованиях. Цель: выявить коммуникативные стратегии конструирования концепта "политическое благополучие", обусловленные закономерностями протекания процессов стереотипизации в социокультурных коммуникациях и особенностями познаваемости мира посредством его конструирования. В статье использован ряд методов, позволяющих осуществить философский и социально-психологический анализ сущности и взаимообусловленности концептов "благополучие" и "политика". На основе теории общественного мнения У. Липпмана исследуется роль стереотипов в конструировании концепта "политическое благополучие". Результаты: политическое благополучие рассматривается как переживание совокупности объективных обстоятельств, обусловленных системой властных отношений и институтов власти во взаимосвязи с субъективным состоянием. Конструирование концепта "политическое благополучие" напрямую связано с коммуникативными процессами как способами говорения о мире политики, которые характерны для различных социальных групп и влекут за собой различные социальные действия. В процессе конструирования ключевыми становятся две коммуникативные стратегии: в рамках первой формируется "образ для себя" - понимание политического благополучия как собственного блага, которое складывается из комплекса личных традиционных благ. Вторая коммуникативная стратегия - это "образ для других" (политико-культурные и иные реальности, обычаи, национальные мифы, символы, верования, стереотипы). В основе данной стратегии лежат механизмы формирования общественного мнения, особо подчеркивается значение процессов социальной стереотипизации. Выводы: конструирование концепта "политическое благополучие" осуществляется посредством двух коммуникативных стратегий. Парадоксальность ситуации в том, что концепт "политическое благополучие" в формате "образ для себя" в представлениях граждан строится на стереотипах формата "образ для других". ; Relevance. The establishment of the patterns of constructing "political well-being" concept in the dense network of communications of modern culture is a significant scientific problem and it allows forming a new, interdisciplinary subject field in modern philosophical and cultural studies. The aim of the research is to identify communicative strategies for constructing "political well-being" concept due to the patterns of stereotyping in socio-cultural communications and the peculiarities of the ability to cognize the world through its construction. Methods. The authors use a number of methods that allow philosophical and sociopsychological analysis of the essence and interdependence of "well-being" and "politics" concepts. The role of stereotypes in constructing "political well-being" concept is considered on the basis of the theory of public opinion by W. Lippmann. Results. Political well-being is considered as the experience of a set of objective circumstances determined by the system of power relations and institutions of power in conjunction with the subjective state. The construction of "political well-being" concept is directly related to communication processes as a way of speaking about the world of politics, characteristic of various social groups and entailing various social actions. In the process of construction, two communication strategies become the main ones: within the framework of the first communication strategy, an "image for oneself" is formed - the understanding of political well-being as one's own good, which consists of a complex of personal traditional goods. The second communication strategy is an "image for others" - political, cultural and other realities, customs, national myths, symbols, beliefs, stereotypes. This strategy is based on the mechanisms of public opinion formation and the importance of social stereotyping is emphasized. Conclusion. The "political well-being" concept is constructed through two communication strategies. The paradoxical feature of the situation is that the "political well-being" concept in the "image for oneself" format in the perceptions of citizens is based on the stereotypes of the "image for others" format.

International audience ; The post-September 11,2001 years have been characterized in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the former colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic "reforms". An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "failed states" of which the dereliction can only be treated by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans considered as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and undertakes to analyze its local repercussions with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now regarded with an openly critical eye by the former colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshrined as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis.

International audience ; The post-September 11,2001 years have been characterized in Melanesia by the direct re-engagement of the former colonial powers (Australia and New Zealand) and by the obligation imposed on the young Oceanic states to implement neoliberal political and economic "reforms". An "arc of instability" supposedly stretches from Timor to Fiji, with a string of "failed states" of which the dereliction can only be treated by military intervention and the establishment of structural adjustment plans considered as a cure-all. This article sheds light on this turning point in international relations and undertakes to analyze its local repercussions with respect to traditions, in a context in which Melanesian societies and cultures are now regarded with an openly critical eye by the former colonial powers. The decline of ethnocultural nationalisms in the region, enshrined as state ideologies in the aftermath of independence, has a number of parallels with the current situation of biculturalism, a state institution in New Zealand since the 1980s, which is also now in crisis.

'Anhand mehrerer Beispiele aus dem Umfeld von Bündnis 90/ Die Grünen wird dargestellt, wie Wikis als Medium politischer Kommunikation verwendet werden können. Ziel der Darstellung ist es, einige grundlegende Informationen zu fünf als Fallbeispiel ausgewählten Wikis aus dem grünen Spektrum zusammenzustellen und daraus übergreifende Schlussfolgerungen bezüglich unterschiedlicher Erfolgsfaktoren und Typen der politischen Wiki-Nutzung abzuleiten und daraus weitergehende Forschungsfragen zu entwickeln. Als Hintergrund dient eine kurze Darstellung politischer computergestützter Kommunikation allgemein beziehungsweise bezogen auf die Nutzung von Wikis. Der Text verfolgt dabei nicht den Anspruch einer tiefer gehenden sozialwissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung, etwa im Sinne einer theoriegestützten Analyse oder einer qualitativen Auswertung der politischen Arbeit mit Wikis, sondern möchte vor allem auf ein interessantes Forschungsfeld am Schnittpunkt vonpolitischer Soziologie und 'Wikipedistik' hinweisen.' (Autorenreferat)

El presente ensayo busca apelar al cine como expresión de la cultura para retratar las diversas vías de construcción de identidades, pues logra en una imagen amalgamar una pluralidad de relatos, como por ejemplo, dar cuenta del momento en el que nuestra identidad se fractura (a través del film Machuca); observar cuando nuestra identidad es un rastro que da cuenta de nuestro presente (a través de Memoria del Saqueo); nos ayuda a reconocer el choque entre el "otro" y el "nosotros" (como observaremos a través de las películas Fresa y Chocolate, Santera, La estrategia del caracol y La ley de Herodes); por último, el cine , como veremos en este ensayo, se convierte en una vía para pensar la identidad como la resultante de la "construcción" de un relato que trasciende situaciones y abre nuevos horizontes (Diarios de Motocicleta) o bien el eterno retorno al regazo calido de nuestras antiguas certezas (El hijo de la novia). ; This assay uses the cinema as an expression of culture that has the ability to portray different ways to build identities, to condense on an image different identities path. For example, in the film Machuca, we can see how political identities experience a social split; in Memoria del saqueo we can observe how social and political construction of an identity could be understood as a sign of the past that came back to the present; in Fresa y chocolate and also the films Santera, La estrategia del caracol and La ley de Herodes, we can observe the identity clash with the "other", that shapes and stressed that thing "we" are; finally, a film is also becomes a field to think about identity construction process that open a new future like in Diario de motocicleta, or open the possibility to return to our old certainties like in El hijo de la novia. ; Fil: Lucca, Juan Bautista. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

This PhD starts from a simple question: do the artwork influence may change our perception of the world and thus, our political judgments ? Asking this question comes down to ask what culture, art, or politics to question humans ways of working, which affects their behavior and their ability to desire, to produce alternative, and grow a critical mind and their ability to judge. These operations (nervous system, affects) and milieu indicate at once the hope and the difficulty to resist in our postmodern cultural context where we are rather modified in the sense of voluntary servitude than emancipation. The aesthetic state of the world in the era of late capitalism, in its productions and its practices of "consumption" of cultural products, does not omen in favor of democracy, the real one : the one with autonomos, with 'between', dissensus, from individuation, emancipation and resistance of individuals, which would enable the widespread deployment of the artist's political responsibility. ; Cette thèse part d'une question simple : les œuvres d'art ont-elles une influence pouvant modifier notre perception du monde, et par là, nos jugements politiques ? Poser cette question revient à se demander ce qu'est la culture, l'art, la ou le politique pour interroger les fonctionnements des humains, ce qui influe sur leurs comportements et leur capacité à désirer, à produire de l'alternative, et à nourrir leur esprit critique et leur faculté de juger. Ces fonctionnements (systèmes nerveux, affects) et milieux indiquent tout à la fois l'espoir et la difficulté de la résistance dans notre contexte culturel postmoderne où nous sommes plutôt modifiés dans le sens de la servitude volontaire que de l'émancipation. L'état esthétique du monde à l'époque du capitalisme tardif, dans ses productions et dans ses pratiques de "consommation" des produits culturels, n'augure rien en faveur de la démocratie, la vraie : celle de l'autonomos, de l'entre, du dissensus, issue de l'individuation, de l'émancipation et de ...

Explores factors that can either undermine or bolster political solidarity based on a shared Latino group identity by testing them in the context of CA's Proposition 187 (denying certain social & health care services to illegal immigrants), analyzing data from field polls conducted in Oct 1994, shortly before the general election in which Proposition 187 was on the ballot. Multivariate analyses reveal that legal immigrant Latinos who were noncitizens & who used Spanish as a primary language overwhelmingly opposed Proposition 187 because they feared discrimination with its passage. Latinos who spoke English & were citizens probably perceived no threat from 187, explaining their support for the measure. Findings for Anglos corroborate other research showing that support for Proposition 187 was ideologically driven. Results refine understanding of the Latino population by (1) demonstrating that the group is not monolithic & (2) identifying how issues of assimilation & cultural identity function to forge political divisions among Latinos. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of tables -- 1. Introduction -- The framework for this inquiry -- Notes -- 2. What could go wrong? -- Notes -- 3. Why the United States has come under right-wing domination: The background -- Population -- Race -- Social class -- Group affiliation and membership -- Mobilization and direct action -- Education and recruitment -- Political culture and political ideas -- Observations -- Notes -- 4. Political decay -- Notes -- 5. Trump and the Alt-Right -- Trump and the Alt-Right -- Notes -- 6. Fascism and populism -- Populism -- Who voted for Trump and why did they? -- Notes -- 7. Final observations: sound the alarm? -- Notes -- Index

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface to the Third Edition -- 1 Introduction: New Directions in Comparative Politics -- 2 Corporatism and Comparative Politics: Is There a New Century of Corporatism? -- 3 The Dependency Approach -- 4 The State in Society -- 5 Comparative Political Economy -- 6 Public Policy and Politics: Analyzing Policy in Comparative Perspective -- 7 Non-Western Theories of Development: Critiques and Explorations -- 8 Political Culture and Democracy -- 9 Rational Choice Theory in Comparative Politics -- 10 The Study of Political Institutions -- 11 Toward the Future: Old and New Directions in Comparative Politics -- Select Bibliography -- About the Editor and Contributors -- Index