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The 1997 electoral success of Tony Blair's New Labour can be seen as the symbolic conclusion of the debate on political ideologies that had developed in the UK and Western Europe during the '80s and the '90s, and that intensified after 1989. The "post-ideological" approach that underpinned the Third Way model introduced a strong emphasis on policy outcomes and effectiveness, which have gradually replaced values and ideologies in legitimizing governmental action. The article focuses on this aspect of the political experience of the NL, engaging in an analysis of the political discourse developed in the UK at the end of the 90s. The analysis highlights the contradictions in the experience of the NL. In fact, the attempt to move beyond ideologies appears to be a rhetorical instrument rather than a real transformation. However, the Third way model marked an important turning point in the definition of political legitimation strategies, the effects of which are clearly visible in the political discourses of European political parties in the years after the rise of the NL.

This work deals with lobbying from a legal point of view, and in particular legal-constitutional (comparative): it analyzes that is how this practice, whose impact on the democratic process is very high and constantly growing, is regulated, and above all which both the constitutional framework in which this regulation moves, and what this tells us about the legal system as a whole in some particularly significant systems: USA, Europe (EU and Council of Europe) and Italy.

The article discusses the recent debate on the democratic peace hypothesis & its likely consequences on today's international system. After an analysis of causal relationships explaining the link between democracy & peace, the article argues that empirical evidence supports the hypothesis. The separate peace among democracies does not concern relationships between democracies & nondemocracies, which could even be exacerbated by ideological disputes. The question of the enlargement of democracy then becomes paramount, & leads to a choice between indirect promotion & forced export. Although in recent years there has been a significant increase of democratization, both these choices present strong limits. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Riassunto: Il lavoro analizza e mette a confronto le strategie comunicative di due comici prestati alla politica: il francese Dieudonné e l'italiano Beppe Grillo. I nuovi canali messi a disposizione dal web hanno consentito ai due personaggi di superare l'ostacolo rappresentato dalla "messa al bando" dai media tradizionali e di diffondere in modo virale discorsi ad alto potenziale polemico, la cui forza impressiva si affida anche alla dimensione iconica e al gesto ad effetto. Si è constatato che l'ethos da polemista, che caratterizza i discorsi di entrambi i leader, tende a sfociare in scelte retoricoargomentative riconducibili al genere del pamphlet. L'articolata retorica discorsiva dei due leader si è dimostrata capace di risvegliare un pathos negativo nei rispettivi seguaci, che, riconoscendo in loro figure dotate di una nuova autorità, tendono ad aderire incondizionatamente a nuove ideologie, di cui, sebbene in contesti socio-culturali diversi, i nuovi media sanno farsi potente veicolo di diffusione. ; Abstract: This study focuses on the communicative strategies that Dieudonné and Grillo use in their public discourse. Both the Italian and the French leader have been comedians, and have recently become protagonists of public debates in their countries. Both of them exploit the Web to spread their polemical discourses, which have proven to be viral in the era of liberalization of obscene language, insults, cries, and provocative gestures against the establishment. The polemical ethos which characterizes Grillo's and Dieudonne's discourses tend to become more and more violent, and to acquire features typical of the pamphlet. This study shows that their well-organized rhetoric has been able to awaken a negative pathos in their followers, who appreciate their new and more modern forms of authority. That is why they become all-out supporters and easily tend to adhere to new ideologies, which become viral due to the new media.

By raising the question on what made geopolitical equilibrium a tool for understanding international politics, the article discusses differences between classical and modern balance of power, and between balance of power and geopolitical equilibrium. The principal argument is that geopolitical equilibrium is, in scope, global. The second claim about the nature of geopolitical equilibrium concerns modern territoriality. Geopolitical equilibrium bases on occurrence of central powers in global politics, not on modern inter-state relations; therefore, it represents the tendency to stability in a pluralistic world-system. As a result, geopolitics remains a realistic alternative to cosmopolitism for understanding social order in global age. Adapted from the source document.

ITALIANO: Puntando l'attenzione sul particolare contesto storico-politico del Regno di Napoli in età aragonese (1442-1503), il volume esplora la varietà dei linguaggi connessi con la prassi politica (linguaggi giuridici, letterari, artistici, politici), analizzati nelle loro specificità, ma anche nelle reciproche osmotiche relazioni. Punto di riflessione conclusivo dopo un convegno organizzato a Napoli, integra prospettive e competenze interdisciplinari, mettendo alla prova e affinando l'idea di un graduale sviluppo di un organismo complesso che – attraverso la letteratura, l'oratoria, la trattatistica politica, le rappresentazioni artistiche e le pratiche amministrative – va nella direzione della creazione di un "sistema statuale", che pure opera ancora sotto la guida della sovranità. / ENGLISH: The book focuses on the particular historical-political context of the Kingdom of Naples in the Aragonese period (1442-1503), and explores the variety of languages related to political practice: juridical, literary, artistic, political languages are analyzed in their specificities, but also in their reciprocal osmotic relations. This volume offers a conclusive reflection after a conference organized in Naples, and integrates interdisciplinary perspectives. It tests and refines the hypothesis concerning the gradual development of a complex organism that – through literature, oratory, political treatises, artistic representations and administrative practices – goes in the direction of a "state system", which still operates under the guidance of sovereignty.

Puntando l'attenzione sul particolare contesto storico-politico del Regno di Napoli in età aragonese (1442-1503), il volume esplora la varietà dei linguaggi connessi con la prassi politica (linguaggi giuridici, letterari, artistici, politici), analizzati nelle loro specificità, ma anche nelle reciproche osmotiche relazioni. Punto di riflessione conclusivo dopo un convegno organizzato a Napoli, integra prospettive e competenze interdisciplinari, mettendo alla prova e affinando l'idea di un graduale sviluppo di un organismo complesso che – attraverso la letteratura, l'oratoria, la trattatistica politica, le rappresentazioni artistiche e le pratiche amministrative – va nella direzione della creazione di un "sistema statuale", che pure opera ancora sotto la guida della sovranità.

The idea that Political Philosophy was going through a deep crisis in the first half of the twentieth century, & that it reawakened, more or less unexpectedly, only in 1971, with A Theory of Justice from John Rawls, had been a deeply-rooted common place in political studies for long time. Several thinkers have seen the "old tradition" succumb under the strokes of historicism, positivism & relativism, & some important philosopher (like Leo Strauss, Sheldon Wolin, Eric Voegelin) have laid the responsibility of the crisis on liberalism. Even though that common place is today often considered groundless, it is interesting to analyze it, at least from the post-war period. In fact those thinkers gave rise to a sort of "unconscious debate," & the problems raised regarded not only political philosophy as discipline, but some crucial points regarding some of the main political theories. Such analyses can also be useful to make clear some differences between different political theories & in particular to evaluate the evolution of liberalism, a theory whose definition often seems controversial. Adapted from the source document.

ITALIANO: Puntando l'attenzione sul particolare contesto storico-politico del Regno di Napoli in età aragonese (1442-1503), il volume esplora la varietà dei linguaggi connessi con la prassi politica (linguaggi giuridici, letterari, artistici, politici), analizzati nelle loro specificità, ma anche nelle reciproche osmotiche relazioni. Punto di riflessione conclusivo dopo un convegno organizzato a Napoli, integra prospettive e competenze interdisciplinari, mettendo alla prova e affinando l'idea di un graduale sviluppo di un organismo complesso che – attraverso la letteratura, l'oratoria, la trattatistica politica, le rappresentazioni artistiche e le pratiche amministrative – va nella direzione della creazione di un "sistema statuale", che pure opera ancora sotto la guida della sovranità. / ENGLISH: The book focuses on the particular historical-political context of the Kingdom of Naples in the Aragonese period (1442-1503), and explores the variety of languages related to political practice: juridical, literary, artistic, political languages are analyzed in their specificities, but also in their reciprocal osmotic relations. This volume offers a conclusive reflection after a conference organized in Naples, and integrates interdisciplinary perspectives. It tests and refines the hypothesis concerning the gradual development of a complex organism that – through literature, oratory, political treatises, artistic representations and administrative practices – goes in the direction of a "state system", which still operates under the guidance of sovereignty.