Suchergebnisse

O artigo argumenta que há, em Marx, uma diferenciação da função socialdo proletariado e dos outros assalariados fundada na distinta inserçãonaestrutura produtiva de cada classe social. Argumenta, ainda, que estadistinção está claramente posta em O Capital e que, com freqüência, orecurso aos manuscritos como os Grundrisse ou o Capítulo VI – Inéditotêm servido para desautorizar o texto publicado por Marx e que, política eteoricamente, têm servido para revogar a centralidade do proletariadopara superação do sistema do capital. ; The article argues thatthere is, in Marx, a differentiation of the social function of theproletariat from otherwage-labourers based on the distinctive insertion of each socialclass in the productivestructure. It argues also that this distinction is evident inCapital and, that often,references to manuscripts such as Grundrisse or Capital VI —unpublished, have beenused to discredit Marx's text and to, politically andtheoretically, refute thecentrality of the proletariat in the transcendence of thecapitalist system.

In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho's thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.

The article intends to analyze the process of formation of the national identity of Brazil. A continuous & multifaceted process is verified, as a consequence of the influences & inclusions of many variables -- political, economical, cultural & social -- that have been altered & that are still changing today, because of the time passage & the birth of new ideologies, or even the return or continuation of old ones. Therefore, the process of the development of an identity is presented, that today results on the emphasis of the South-American character of the country. References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper aims to explore the articulation of Marxism, psychoanalysis & political theory in the particular reading of Ernesto Laclau. Consequences in two main areas are analyzed: discourse theory & political philosophy. This author reconfigures the conceptual basis of hegemony & ideology from an original position close to the Althusserian tradition (by means of deconstruction, Foucauldian archaeology & Lacanian Psychoanalysis) to a standpoint that he himself has described as post Marxist. In that frame, his conception of discourse makes a claim for a renewal of the concept of hegemony, giving up the Marxist topic of base & superstructure. Adapted from the source document.

This text will focus on the German-Portuguese cultural relations between 1933 and1945. The promotion of the German culture and science was crucial to achieve a political and ideological hegemony abroad. We will analyse the most important activities organized by the German institutions in Portugal and the relationship between the National Educations Board/Institute for High Culture. Finally we will try to understand if this strategy promoted the construction of an intellectual and scientific network between Portugal and Germany. Adapted from the source document.

A transparência dos governos para com seus cidadãos é vista como um fator necessário à accountability democrática e, consequentemente, à consolidação da democracia. Mesmo que sua importância seja frequentemente destacada, suas causas ainda permanecem desconhecidas, sobretudo no contexto brasileiro. Seguindo a tendência das pesquisas empíricas internacionais, este estudo exploratório investiga as relações entre três conjuntos de variáveis (variáveis fiscais presente e passadas, variáveis socioeconômicas e variáveis políticas) e transparência fiscal no contexto subnacional brasileiro. Para identificar as relações entre as variáveis fiscais, socioeconômicas e políticas com a transparência fiscal, utilizou-se a técnica de regressão linear múltipla. Antes de se realizar a regressão pelo método dos mínimos quadrados ordinários, utilizou-se a análise fatorial, visando agrupar as variáveis socioeconômicas e fiscais em fatores objetivando reduzir a quantidade destas, bem como eliminar os problemas de multicolinearidade entre elas. As variáveis políticas, por serem de natureza qualitativa, foram mantidas em sua forma original. A análise fatorial agrupou as variáveis em dois grupos: fatores fiscais e fatores socioeconômicos. Como a regressão múltipla permite apenas avaliar a relação entre os partidos constantes da amostra e o partido de referência, utilizou-se um teste F para avaliar as diferenças no nível de transparência entre os partidos políticos. Os resultados indicam que as variáveis fiscais e socioeconômicas explicam o nível de transparência dos Estados brasileiros. No entanto, as variáveis políticas não se mostraram significativas, indicando que a divulgação de informações fiscais no Brasil parece não ser influenciada por ideologias políticas. Além disso, fica evidente que a falta de um modelo normativo de transparência no processo orçamentário leva os Estados a divulgarem, em grande parte, informações sobre a execução orçamentária. Por fim, os achados indicam que a transparência fiscal, enquanto instrumento para a consolidação democrática, ainda é incipiente no Brasil. ; The transparency of governments to their citizens is seen as a necessary factor in democratic accountability and, consequently, in the consolidation of democracy. Although the importance of transparency in government is often highlighted, its causes are still unknown, especially in the Brazilian context. Following the trend of international empirical research, this exploratory study investigates the relationships between three sets of variables (current and past fiscal variables, socioeconomic variables and political variables) and fiscal transparency in the Brazilian subnational context. To identify the relationship between fiscal, socioeconomic and political variables and fiscal transparency, the multiple linear regression technique was used. Prior to conducting the regression using the method of ordinary least squares, factor analysis was used, aiming to group the fiscal and socioeconomic variables into factors not only to reduce their quantity but also to eliminate their multicollinearity problems. Political variables, due to their qualitative nature, remained in their original form. The factor analysis sorted the variables into two groups: fiscal and socioeconomic factors. Because multiple regression allows only for the evaluation of the relationship between the parties included in the sample and the reference party, an F test was used to assess differences in the level of transparency among political parties. The results indicated that fiscal and socioeconomic variables explain the transparency levels of the Brazilian States. However, the political variables were not significant, indicating that the disclosure of fiscal information in Brazil seems not to be influenced by political ideologies. Furthermore, it is evident that the lack of a regulatory model of transparency in the budget process leads States to disclose a great deal of information about budget execution. Finally, the findings indicate that as an instrument for democratic consolidation, fiscal transparency remains incipient in Brazil.

Considering the rise of the discussion about the rhetoric of economics at the beginning of the 1980's, the paper aims to show: 1) the relation between the origin of this issue in the academic field and the ascension of the so labeled "neoliberalism" as a doctrine and a collection of capitalists practices perceived at the same time; and 2) the consequences produced by this idea, overseas born, when it meets a peripheral reality like the Brazilian one. In the first case, the authors show the importance of Hayek's reflections about the inadequateness of neoclassical discourse to the aim of ideologically legitimate the market society. In the second they point out that, taking the consequences of the rhetoric project in Brazil, it can be seeing as an additional chapter of "the ideas out of its place" that comes marking the Brazilian history of the ideas. (Rev Econ Polit/GIGA)

The struggles for independence in Latin America during the first half of the nineteenth century were accompanied by a wide-ranging debate about political rights, nationality and citizenship. In South American Independence, Catherine Davies, Claire Brewster and Hilary Owen investigate the neglected role of gender in that discussion. Examining women writers from Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Colombia, the book traces the contradictions inherent in revolutionary movements that, while arguing for the rights of all, remained ambivalent, at best, about the place of women. Through studies of both published and unpublished writings, South American Independence reveals the complex role of women in shaping the vexed ideologies of independence

This article aims to analyze the speeches of parliamentarians who proposed the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" in the municipalities of Santa Rita, Patos and Campina Grande in the state of Paraíba. These laws were proposed and approved based on the Christian ideological foundation, with the purpose of prohibiting the debate of gender in public and private schools of the referred municipalities. Methodologically, we used the proposal of discourse analysis from Michel Foucault (2014) which aims to perceive discursive production as an exercise in reading, interpreting and producing another / new discourse. For this, we look at the interviews made with the three parliamentarians in order to understand their interests and "ideologies" defended. Ideology, gender and education are fundamental categories for the theoretical dialogue in this text. Therefore, it is concluded that the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" functioned as a prohibitive and punitive device, but that it also generated resistance. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los discursos de los parlamentarios que propusieron la denominada "Ley de Ideología de Género" en los municipios de Santa Rita, Patos y Campina Grande del estado de Paraíba. Estas leyes fueron propuestas y aprobadas con base en el fundamento ideológico cristiano, con el propósito de prohibir el debate de género en las escuelas públicas y privadas de los municipios referidos. Metodológicamente, utilizamos la propuesta de análisis del discurso de Michel Foucault (2014) que tiene como objetivo percibir la producción discursiva como un ejercicio de lectura, interpretación y producción de otro / nuevo discurso. Para ello, nos fijamos en las entrevistas realizadas a los tres parlamentarios con el fin de entender sus intereses e "ideologías" defendidas. Ideología, género y educación son categorías fundamentales para el diálogo teórico en este texto. Por tanto, se concluye que la llamada "Ley de la Ideología de Género" funcionó como un dispositivo prohibitivo y punitivo, pero que también generó resistencias. ; This article aims to analyze the speeches of parliamentarians who proposed the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" in the municipalities of Santa Rita, Patos and Campina Grande in the state of Paraíba. These laws were proposed and approved based on the Christian ideological foundation, with the purpose of prohibiting the debate of gender in public and private schools of the referred municipalities. Methodologically, we used the proposal of discourse analysis from Michel Foucault (2014) which aims to perceive discursive production as an exercise in reading, interpreting and producing another / new discourse. For this, we look at the interviews made with the three parliamentarians in order to understand their interests and "ideologies" defended. Ideology, gender and education are fundamental categories for the theoretical dialogue in this text. Therefore, it is concluded that the so-called "Law of Gender Ideology" functioned as a prohibitive and punitive device, but that it also generated resistance. ; Esse artigo tem por objetivo analisar os discursos dos parlamentares que propuseram a chamada "Lei da Ideologia de Gênero" nos municípios de Santa Rita, Patos e Campina Grande no estado da Paraíba. Essas leis foram propostas e aprovadas a partir do embasamento ideológico cristão, com a finalidade de proibir o debate de gênero nas escolas públicas e privadas dos referidos municípios. Metodologicamente, utilizamos a proposta da análise do discurso a partir de Michel Foucault (2014) que visa perceber a produção discursiva como um exercício de leitura, interpretação e produção de um outro/novo discurso. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre as entrevistas feitas com os três parlamentares no sentido de perceber seus interesses e "ideologias" defendidas. Ideologia, gênero e educação são categorias fundamentais para o diálogo teórico nesse texto. Portanto, conclui-se que a chamada "Lei da Ideologia de Gênero" funcionou como um dispositivo proibitivo e punitivo, mas que também gerou resistências.

O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento por meio do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século XVIII para combater o Estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao Estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as metaideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo "científico" e matemático. ; State and market are complementary institutions. The state is the major institution coordinating modern societies; it is the constitutional system and the organizations guaranteeing it; it is the main instrument through which democratic societies have been changing capitalism so as to achieve their own agreed political objectives. Markets are institutions based on competition which the state regulates so that they contribute to the coordination of the economy. While liberalism emerged in the 18th century to fight an autocratic state, since the 1980s neoliberalism (a major distortion of economic liberalism) became dominant and mounted a political assault to the state in the name of the market, but eventually also attacked the market. Neoclassical macroeconomics and public choice theory were the meta-ideologies that gave to this assault a "scientific" and mathematical allure.