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In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.

This study explored the relationships among political ideologies, masculinity ideologies, and shame ideologies within three online communities. Three different ideological communities, all on Reddit (a discussion-based social news website), were chosen based on previous research suggesting they differ in terms of their conceptualizations of gender and support for or rejection of feminism: r/TheRedPill, r/MensRights, and r/MensLib. This study uses a framework for understanding Ideologies as Complex Adaptive Systems (ICAS) as articulated by Thagard (2017), which uses Cognitive and Affective Maps (CAMs) as its primary tool of analysis. Using the postings on the Reddit sites as our raw data, we created CAMs to assist in comparing the conceptual and affective qualities of each community. We conducted the study in three phases: in Phase One, we used Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methods and correlational analyses to create a set of general ideological CAMs for each community. We also constructed a set of CAMs depicting whom each group views as ingroups and outgroups in their creation of social identities. In Phase Two, we created a set of CAMs for each community's dominant conception of gender. In Phase Three, we constructed a set of CAMs depicting each community's relationship with the ideas of shame and injustice. The discussion section is organized into five main chapters. The first chapter contains reflections on the process of using CAMs, the next chapter is on the study's limitations and future directions, and the final three are on the study findings' empirical, theoretical, and clinical implications. The empirical implications of the study contribute to the following areas of research: the role of shame in ideology, the political construction of victimhood, and Ambivalent Sexism. In the theoretical implications chapter, I discuss the study's potential contributions to theory development in the CAMs methodology. The final chapter offers reflections on the study's clinical implications, especially related to gender identity development, sexual violence, and the role of ideology in emotion regulation.

This article explores the reductionist approach of political ideologies as used by political candidates, which is part of the common feature of political marketing. Understanding the value or belief system which is accepted as fact or truth by the targeted group, places the candidate in a position to promote them self as a well-intentioned, committed leader who seeks to motivate the audience to action. Modern marketing of political candidates begins by understanding central concepts of ideologies. The utilization of ideologies is complex, in that there is no single concept or claim revealing surprising affinities with various images of the candidate. It also has distinctive function, by misrepresenting the totality of the ideology by forming a total belief in the candidate versus the ideology in a particular way. People must commit or surrender to the demands of the candidate, thus making it possible for the candidate to get elected. The branding of the candidate while utilizing political ideologies in part disables people from easily disregarding information perceived to be antithetical to the concepts of the ideology (Quelch, 2007).

Our work intends to shed new insights into the debate of polarization by using a multidisciplinary approach that applies Evolutionary Game Theory to study the evolution of public ideology in US. In particular, we use the replicator equation to model political ideology as a dynamic game, where strategies reproduce at a rate proportional to their payoffs. Evolutionary game theory has explicit biological roots, where payoffs represent fitness as the underlying process of natural selection. However, these models can also be thought of as models of cultural evolution. ; TRUE ; pub

Even still, I take up and read with some keenness, but sometimes surreptitiously, any new book glancing my field of specialization, however diverging in theoretical frame or methodological approach, simply for its inherent promise to offer a fresh glimpse of some sort, some intellectual adventure. Kelley's recent anthology Reelpolitik definitely caught my attention, perked my expectations, and left my curiosity whetted but deeply unsated; and I shall tell you why. ; Zielinski, G. (2001). Reelpolitick: Political ideologies in '30s and '40s films [Review of Reelpolitick: political ideologies in '30s and '40s films]. Canadian Journal of Communication, 26(1), 177-178. ; Reelpolitick: political ideologies in '30s and '40s films by Beverly Merrill Kelley with John J. Pitney, Jr. Craig R. Smith, and Hebert E. Gooch III. Westport, CT. and London: Praeger 1998, 194 pp. ISBN 0275960196 (pbk), ISSN 10625623

Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal thoroughly analyzes and compares political ideologies to help readers understand these ideologies as acutely as a political scientist does. Used alone or with its companion Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader, this best-selling title promotes open-mindedness and develops critical thinking skills. ; https://scholarship.richmond.edu/bookshelf/1187/thumbnail.jpg

Recent empirical findings highlight how economic geography is important in understanding various political outcomes. However, these results are typically based on single elections or referendums. This article overcomes the weaknesses of such data by identifying and analysing the long-term structure and evolution of fundamental political ideologies in Switzerland. The results assess the existence of significant political ideology divides among Swiss municipalities and indicate that these divides are associated with inequalities in local economic welfare, migration flows and urbanity. Overall, this article suggests that linkages between economic geography and political preferences are not restricted to specific issues or elections; rather, they also involve the more profound structure of political ideologies.

Even still, I take up and read with some keenness, but sometimes surreptitiously, any new book glancing my field of specialization, however diverging in theoretical frame or methodological approach, simply for its inherent promise to offer a fresh glimpse of some sort, some intellectual adventure. Kelley's recent anthology Reelpolitik definitely caught my attention, perked my expectations, and left my curiosity whetted but deeply unsated; and I shall tell you why.

This article argues that proliferation of prefixes like 'neo' and 'post' that adorn conventional 'isms' have cast a long shadow on the contemporary relevance of traditional political ideologies. Suggesting that there is, indeed, something new about today's political belief systems, the essay draws on the concept of 'social imaginaries' to make sense of the changing nature of the contemporary ideological landscape. The core thesis presented here is that today's ideologies are increasingly translating the rising global imaginary into competing political programs and agendas. But these subjective dynamics of denationalization at the heart of globalization have not yet dispensed with the declining national imaginary. The twenty-first century promises to be an ideational interregnum in which both the global and national stimulate people's deep-seated understandings of community. Suggesting a new classification scheme dividing contemporary political ideologies into 'market globalism', 'justice globalism', and 'jihadist globalism', the article ends with a brief assessment of the main ideological features of justice globalism.

This article argues that proliferation of prefixes like 'neo' and 'post' that adorn conventional 'isms' have cast a long shadow on the contemporary relevance of traditional political ideologies. Suggesting that there is, indeed, something new about today's political belief systems, the essay draws on the concept of 'social imaginaries' to make sense of the changing nature of the contemporary ideological landscape. The core thesis presented here is that today's ideologies are increasingly translating the rising global imaginary into competing political programs and agendas. But these subjective dynamics of denationalization at the heart of globalization have not yet dispensed with the declining national imaginary. The twenty-first century promises to be an ideational interregnum in which both the global and national stimulate people's deep-seated understandings of community. Suggesting a new classification scheme dividing contemporary political ideologies into 'market globalism', 'justice globalism', and 'jihadist globalism', the article ends with a brief assessment of the main ideological features of justice globalism.

The teaching of Indonesian history, in many cases in school, remains dominated by history of politics and political indoctrination, underscoring the need for critical and holistic learning. This paper aims to analyze the Indonesian National History textbooks used in schools, and to examine the possibility of teaching Indonesian history that goes beyond political indoctrination and is holistic. The method used in this paper is the analysis of an Indonesian National History textbooks that have been used as the main textbook for the history subject in schools. The teaching of Indonesian history in schools is still dominated by a single version of historical events. The narratives of Indonesian history lessons often ignore different perspectives, or other aspects of historical events that are of interest. Indonesian history does not only belong to the winners. A holistic approach to the teaching of history is expected to help enrich students' knowledge of past events and provide a clearer picture of the history of a multicultural society. For example, a discussion of the Benteng economic policy should not only revolve around the points of view of one ethnic group and ignore the suffering of others. In other cases, discussions on the PKI revolt often neglect human rights aspects, et cetera. Not only should students gain knowledge about past events based on the dominant interpretations, but are also exposed to the narratives of marginalized people. Not only that, history lessons should also cover aspects that include arts, literature, painting, music and other cultural products. In the end, a holistic approach enriches students' understanding of a historical event, foster a positive attitude and inspire them to learn about stories that have been under-heard or deliberately marginalized.

This article shows how a gallery walk exercise can be used to encourage broad participation and higher-level thinking among undergraduate students of political science. Asked to visualize the future of different political ideologies, the students work together in groups to create posters that they then present for each other during a vernissage-like event that includes a Q&A session. This seminar format enables an iterative, adaptive, and reflective approach to learning that stimulates higher-level skills such as synthesis and evaluation. As such, the gallery walk exercise can be seen as a useful complement to more traditional didactic learning activities aimed at the lower levels of Bloom's taxonomy (e.g., knowledge and comprehension). Based on written course evaluations, the students seem to appreciate not only the novelty of the gallery walk seminar format but also how it prompted them to see the different ideologies in a new light and that it significantly deepened their understanding of the subject matter.

Digital media are driving profound changes in contemporary politics, including, this article argues, to the production, reception and dissemination of political ideas and ideologies. Platforms increase the number and political range of 'ideological entrepreneurs' using distinct rhetorics through which ideas are articulated and experienced. Developing and justifying these claims I draw on the political theory of ideologies, digital media studies and rhetorical political analysis. I show how a populist 'style' and appeal to rhetorical ethos, linked to mediatisation, are intensified by digital media, affecting ideological form and content. Explaining in particular how YouTube constitutes political-ideological communication I examine in detail the British-based political YouTuber Paul Joseph Watson. I show that his political ideology is a blend of conservatism and libertarianism, with a populist style and rhetorical ethos of 'charismatic' authority. Centred on the revelation of political truths, presented as of therapeutic benefit for individuals, it is characteristic of the medium.

We study the extent to which migrant inflows to the United States affect the political polarization of campaign donors and the ideology of politicians campaigning for the House of Representatives in the 1992-2016 period. Implementing various polarization measures based on ideology data derived from 16 million campaign finance contributors, our results show that migrant inflows causally increase the polarization of both campaign donations and leading political candidates. Our estimates hold over the medium-run, although the effects decline over time. The effects of migration are stronger if counties host migrants from more distant cultures, or if incoming migrants are similarly educated. Our main results hold when we focus on refugees as opposed to all immigrants on aggregate.

Contro il cliché secondo cui che la nostra sarebbe un'epoca post-ideologica, la tesi di questo libro è che le ideologie politiche fanno parte della logica stessa della modernità e continuano a permeare la politica "ipermoderna". Utilizzando una moltitudine di fonti primarie (testi) e dati, l'autore individua le "stelle polari" - principi guida come l'ordine, la libertà e l'uguaglianza - attorno alle quali si sono sviluppati i campi ideologici, principalmente in Europa, negli ultimi secoli. In alternativa ai concetti, troppo riduttivi, di "sinistra" e "destra", questo libro adotta una diversa strategia per analizzare gli orientamenti dei movimenti politici, dei partiti, delle politiche e degli elettori contemporanei: ricostruisce le principali "matrici" ideologiche della politica moderna nelle loro origini storiche e nelle successive fasi di radicalizzazione e ibridazione, che ancora continuano, sia tra queste matrici politiche sia con ideologie "metapolitiche" come il populismo. Inoltre, il libro delinea una teoria più ampia che aiuta a interpretare le recenti tendenze ideologiche come il riflesso di un peculiare "doppio movimento" della modernità: la tensione continua tra pressioni liberalizzanti per maggiori diritti individuali e, viceversa, contromovimenti "centripeti" lungo sia la matrice dell'ordine, sia quella dell'uguaglianza socioeconomica. ; Contrary to the cliché that our age is post-ideological, this book contends that political ideologies are part of the logic itself of modernity and continue to permeate 'hyper-modern' politics. Using a multitude of primary sources (texts) and data, the author identifies the 'polar stars' – guiding principles such as order, freedom and equality – around which ideological fields have developed, mainly in Europe, in recent centuries. In place of the too reductive concepts of 'left' and 'right', this book uses a different strategy to analyse the orientations of contemporary political movements, parties, policies and voters: it reconstructs the main ideological 'matrices' of modern politics in their historical origins and subsequent phases of radicalisation and hybridisation, which still continue, both among these political matrices and with 'metapolitical' ideologies like populism. In doing so, the book also propounds a broader theory that helps to interpret recent ideological trends as reflecting a distinctive 'double movement' of modernity: the continuous tension between liberalising pressures for greater individual rights and, vice versa, 'centripetal' countermovements along either the matrix of order or that of socioeconomic equality.