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It is an exciting time to consider changes in the field of comparative-historical sociology, as the discipline seeks to accommodate both old and new trends as well as the transforming spatial scales in which political power and social theory are increasingly embedded. Volume 20 of "Political Power and Social Theory" starts the ball rolling by showcasing articles that pursue similar themes. The question of what is old and what is new hovers over most of the contributions, particularly the peer-reviewed chapters in parts I and II, which consider such long-standing socio-historical concerns as power structure theory, class-based collective action, and empire - but examine them through new conceptual, methodological, and historical lenses. This year's volume also offers a critical treatment of the spatial or territorial dynamics of state hegemony, class power, ideologies of governance, and citizenship - with the latter theme most well developed in debate over the new geographies of citizenship in the Scholarly Controversy Section as well as in part-II's guest-edited section on Empire and Colonialism.

Do conservatives suffer discrimination in academe? In "Politics & Professional Advancement Among College Faculty," Rothman, Lichter, & Nevitte argue that "conservatives & Republicans teach at lower quality schools than do liberals & Democrats." Using a survey of 1643 faculty members from 183 four-year colleges & universities, they conclude that their results are "consistent with the hypothesis that political conservatism confers a disadvantage in the competition for political advancement." In this response, we show that Rothman, Lichter, & Nevitte's work is plagued by theoretical & methodological problems that render their conclusions unsustainable by the available evidence. Furthermore, we offer an alternative hypothesis theoretically consistent with their findings. Unfortunately, we were unable to subject our alternative hypothesis to empirical assessment (or even to replicate the initial results of Rothman, Lichter & Nevitte) since they have refused to make their data available to the scientific community. Adapted from the source document.

IntroductionR. Krishnaswamy and Atreyee Majumder1. Making Histories of Indian Liberalism, Philosophical Comparatism and the Pos -- Comparative TurnDenys P. Leighton2. Infinite Praise: Beyond the constituted finitude of life and libertySoumyabrata Choudhury3. Gandhi and the Re-Orientation of Modern Political TheoryR. Krishnaswamy4. Freedom, Self and Truth: The 'liberty' in liberalismLakshmi Arya Thathachar5. Across Identities: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the United Bengal Movement of 1946Sucharita Sen6. Liberal Secularity and the Indian State: Notes on the Sabrimala JudgmentVishnnupad7. Secularism and its Theological Interior: An Anthropologist's demand on FaithAtreyee Majumder

This article explores the political thought of a leading Italian intellectual after his conversion from Jacobinism to liberalism. It shows the extent to which Foscolo was abreast of the then contemporary debate on constitutional government and nation-building. Moreover, it illustrates how he combined liberal with civic humanist and republican ideas, as well as idealism and Realpolitik in his perception of the problems faced by small nations struggling to be free in an era of international ideological conflict.

This article introduces a new, public database of U.S. state and local public policies, now available at www.statepolicyindex.com. The database covers more than 170 different state or local policies, coded at the state level as of December 31, 2006, in most cases. We use principal components analysis and derive two orthogonal measures of state policy ideology, which we label policy liberalism and policy urbanism. Our policy liberalism measure passes several reliability and validity checks, while policy urbanism is strongly predicted by urbanization rate, percentage of African Americans in the population, and percentage of Christian adherents in the population. Adapted from the source document.

The literature often mentions that populism is in conflict with the politics of compromise. However, the opposition remains vague and undertheorized. This article confronts populism and compromise in a novel way by analyzing them as types of second-order political thinking and ideologies of democracy. Second-order political thinking provides a set of ideas and concepts that frames and regulates how we relate to others in politics, and how we make political decisions for, with, or against them. By contrasting populism and compromise as types of second-order political thinking, we will better be able to understand each and normatively compare them. Thus, we see that (1) compromise is inherently most attractive as second-order political thinking, and (2) populism fails as an ideology of democracy, because it cannot explain the meaning and value of the democratic system as a set of authoritative institutions and procedures.

Die dritten freien Wahlen 1998-2000 in den baltischen Staaten Estland, Lettland und Litauen seit der Unabhängigkeit 1991 bestätigen die These, daß sich das Baltikum während der letzten Dekade zur "Vielfalt trotz ähnlicher Geschichte" ausdifferenziert hat. Allerdings zeigen sich in allen drei Staaten noch typische Charakteristika osteuropäischer Transformationsprozesse: Die Konsolidierung des zersplitterten Parteiensystems schreitet voran, ist aber noch längst nicht abgeschlossen; die Postkommunisten auch der baltischen Staaten sind nach wie vor eine ernst zu nehmende Kraft; (rechts-)populistische und patriotische Bewegungen finden weiterhin günstige Gelegenheitsstrukturen vor, wobei die Spitzen des populistischen Phänomens jedoch gebrochen zu sein scheinen. Insgesamt sind die Parteiensysteme in Estland, Lettland und Litauen noch wenig gefestigt; dauerhafte Cleavages, um die sich die Parteien gruppieren könnten, haben sich bisher nicht herausgebildet. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)

Argues that many of the political & social rifts that exist in India today are kept alive by stories that are erroneously rooted in the past. Various examples are given of myths that have been viewed as history & have led to "ideologically infused" political agendas that have driven wedges between India's citizens. The possible domestic & international consequences of these divisions are explored. Special attention is given to the impact of three important fissures in Indian society: relations between Hindus & Muslims; the caste system; & conflict between demands for a greater devolution of power & a central government that is unwilling to share control. It is contended that these three fissures frame some of the greatest challenges facing India today. Emphasis is placed on the need to promote a greater interest in history which currently has a low status in Indian universities when compared to such fields as engineering or business. The important role India's plurality has played in maintaining social stability is discussed. J. Lindroth

EMILY's List, a donor network supporting female pro-choice Democratic candidates, & WISH List, a donor network supporting female pro-choice Republican candidates, have mastered political fundraising to help increase the number of women in elective office. We surveyed contributors of $200 or more to each organization, drawing on the Federal Election Commission database. While previous studies of political contributors have found that men contribute disproportionately, we found that contributors to these organizations are overwhelmingly female, albeit drawing from a relatively affluent & activist stratum of women. Examining contributors' partisan & ideological proclivities as well as their policy preferences & priorities, we found EMILY's List contributors support women's equality & reproductive rights from a liberal feminist perspective, while WISH List contributors approach these issues from a more laissez-faire conservative perspective. 3 Tables, 31 References. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

Fidel, C.; Ringelheim, J. P. (2015). Documentos políticos de coyuntura. Presentación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 28, 79-81. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; El director y el secretario de redacción vuelven a presentar la sección "Documentos políticos de coyuntura", como propuesta de publicación de diversas expresiones y posiciones acerca de problemáticas políticas que no ocultan posiciones o matices que manifiestan proyectos, propuestas, reflexiones, adhesiones, críticas, incomodidades o incertidumbres referidas a los niveles local, regional e internacional. El objetivo es cooperar y, eventualmente, promover debates que contribuyan a la evolución de la pluralidad de voces que emergen desde la urgencia de la inmediatez de los tiempos de la coyuntura política.

Scholars have posed different hypotheses on the impact of global telecommunications on value orientations. We analyze and characterize the global telecommunication network and test a series of hypotheses on the relationship between gender values and three types of telephone connections: ties with the global society, ties with Western nations, and ties within groups of nations sharing similar cultural, religious, political, or geographical traits. We use multilevel models and data on two levels, between-country telecommunications network data from TeleGeography, and individual-level data (N = 70,225) on people living in 47 countries from the World Value Survey, waves III and IV. Countries with high degrees of communication insulation, measured as a high percentage of within-group ties of all global telephone links, hold less egalitarian attitudes toward gender equality. This negative effect of group insulation depresses the egalitarian effects of younger birth cohort, college education, and higher income. Embeddedness in a localized information diffusion network and isolated from global communication is associated with less egalitarian attitude toward gender equality. But neither global ties nor ties with Western countries are linked with gender attitudes.

Theatre, in its very best form, should reveal to us some truth about the human condition. Political theatre takes some of our harshest conditions and realities and forces us to face the ramifications we might otherwise ignore. This project focuses on the work of playwright David Edgar and his own personal "brand" of political theatre. Through a close examination and analysis of his 1995 play Pentecost, I utilize Edgar's focus on conflicts in Eastern Europe to highlight the importance of political theatre in our world today. As east and west collide, Pentecost showcases the importance of understanding the turmoil that exists in the world around us. Rather than using these stories solely for artistic value, we must view them for what they are: the human experience. In addition to Pentecost, I reference a variety of Edgar's other works that feature similar conflicts, to further emphasize Pentecost's main themes. I also look at texts that analyze Edgar's own political views and how his ideologies have influenced his plays. This approach takes a different look at political theatre as it focuses on the universal impact that more geographically specified material can have. Regardless of location, the intrinsic human experience is an all-encompassing concept, and one that all art, but especially theatre relies on. I examine where the human connections are made, and why political theatre is such an effective vehicle to communicate these realities.