'Welche politischen Konfliktlinien kennzeichnen die europäische Politik? Am Beispiel der Positionen zur Zukunft der EU-Sozialpolitik im EU-Verfassungskonvent untersucht dieser Beitrag, ob die Reformvorstellungen der Delegierten eher von parteipolitischen Ideologien oder nationalen Interessen geprägt waren und inwiefern sich institutionelle Rollendefinitionen auf die Positionen der Konventsmitglieder auswirkten. Auf Grundlage eines neu erstellten Datensatzes über die Positionen der Delegierten zur Reform der Gesetzgebungskompetenzen und Entscheidungsverfahren in der EU-Sozialpolitik wird gezeigt, dass die Positionen insgesamt von einer Kombination aus parteipolitischen Ideologien und nationalen Interessen bestimmt waren. Gleichzeitig treten institutionelle Muster entlang des Gegensatzes zwischen Regierungs- und Oppositionsparteien zu Tage: Delegierte von Regierungsparteien verteidigten stärker ihre jeweiligen nationalen Interessen, während Vertreterinnen von Oppositionsparteien eher ideologische Ziele verfolgten. Unterschiedliche Arten der Verantwortlichkeit gegenüber nationalen Wählerinnenschaften können als Erklärung für diesen Befund herangezogen werden.' (Autorenreferat)
Theorizing institutions of political participation and representation -- Ideologies of political representation and the mode of participation framework -- History, capitalism, and conflict -- Nominated members of parliament in Singapore -- Public feedback in Singapore's consultative authoritarianism -- The Philippines' party-list system, reformers, and oligarchs -- Participatory budgeting in the Philippines -- Malaysia's failed consultative representation experiments -- Civil society and electoral reform in Malaysia
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The use of documentaries and newsreels as a source for the study and dissemination of the educational memory gives us access to the visions promoted by different ideological groups. The nature and differences in perspective in the newsreels and documentaries produced during the Spanish Civil War are especially notorious, providing us with a glimpse of a time when novel aesthetic and narrative content came together to facilitate the the creation of collective imaginaries as proposed by the different political parties. Studies of this historical period have necessarily resorted to summaries and campaigns of this historical-educational heritage ; El uso de documentales y noticiarios como fuente de estudio y divulgación de la memoria educativa nos permite acceder a las visiones promovidas desde los diferentes grupos ideológicos. Esta posibilidad es especialmente manifiesta en los noticiarios y documentales producidos durante la Guerra Civil Española. Momento en el que la forma estética y los contenidos narrativos se fusionan dando voz a los imaginarios propuestos desde las diferentes formaciones políticas. Para posteriores estudios detallados,se ha considerado necesario la recopilación y difusión de este patrimonio histórico-educativo
O artigo argumenta que há, em Marx, uma diferenciação da função socialdo proletariado e dos outros assalariados fundada na distinta inserçãonaestrutura produtiva de cada classe social. Argumenta, ainda, que estadistinção está claramente posta em O Capital e que, com freqüência, orecurso aos manuscritos como os Grundrisse ou o Capítulo VI – Inéditotêm servido para desautorizar o texto publicado por Marx e que, política eteoricamente, têm servido para revogar a centralidade do proletariadopara superação do sistema do capital. ; The article argues thatthere is, in Marx, a differentiation of the social function of theproletariat from otherwage-labourers based on the distinctive insertion of each socialclass in the productivestructure. It argues also that this distinction is evident inCapital and, that often,references to manuscripts such as Grundrisse or Capital VI —unpublished, have beenused to discredit Marx's text and to, politically andtheoretically, refute thecentrality of the proletariat in the transcendence of thecapitalist system.
Studien der Wirkung von Interessengruppen auf das Wahlverhalten im US-Kongress sehen Partei und Ideologie typischerweise als konkurrierende Faktoren und greifen auf ein faktorielles Interessenmodell oder ein sektorales Modell, dass nur Interessengruppen mit einem direkten Interesse am Wahlausgang beinhaltet. Diese Strategie wird auf mehrere Weise verlassen. Interessengruppen werden auf der Stufe zweistelliger Codes der Standard Industrial Classificationdefiniert und das Universum der Interessen beobachtet. Für 1979-90 werden geographisch und nicht-geographisch basierte Interessen gemessen, um Partei und Ideologie des Repräsentanten zu schätzen. Es werden ausserdem Faktorausstattung von Individuen und innerhalb eines Distrikts berücksichtigt, um deren Auswirkung auf das Wahlverhalten zu untersuchen. Dann wird der Einfluss dieser Interessen auf die Parteizugehörigkeit und Ideologie der Mitglieder untersucht, sowie als Klassen von fünf Wahlen bzgl. des Aussenhandels mithilfe von Instrumentenvariablen für Partei und Ideologie betrachtet. Wirtschaftliche Interessen erklären einen beträchtlichen Anteil der Varianz in allen Fällen und die Modell, die auch andere Variablen beinhalten sind hochgradig korrekt in der Schätzung des Wahlverhaltens. (SWP-Jns)
Übungsdatensatz zum SAS-Buch von Uehlinger. Auswahl einzelner Variablen und Fälle aus dem Datensatz der ZA-Studie 0757 (Politische Ideologie).
Themen: Wichtigste politische Probleme des Landes; politisches Interesse; Parteineigung; Wahlverhalten bei der Bundestagswahl 1972; politische Partizipation und Teilnahmebereitschaft an politischen Protesten.
Modernleşme süreci Türkiye'sinde siyasi ve sosyal dönüşümün çok tartışılan alanlarından biri demilli kimlik olgusunun kapsam ve özellikleridir. Osmanlı Devleti'nden ulus devletine geçiş sürecindeOsmanlılık ve Türklük kimliği üzerinden en gerilimli tartışmaların odak noktasının milli kimliğin inşasımeselesi olduğu açıktır. Türkiye'deki siyasi ideolojilerin milli kimliğin tanımı ve özellikleri söz konusuolduğunda Müslüman ve gayrimüslim toplulukları öteki ve yabancı kılacak tanım ve tavsiflerdebulunarak Türklük, Müslümanlık ve Batılılık özelliklerini öne çıkaran tanımlamalarda bulunduklarıgörülmüştür. Türkiye'de milli kimliğin etnik ve kültürel özelliklerinin On dokuzuncu yüzyıl siyasalideolojilerince öncelik ve sıralaması değişirken, Türk kimliğinin etnik ve kültürel özelliklerinin içerikve yorumlarının da farklılıklar arz ettiği görülmektedir. Meşrutiyet dönemi siyasal partilerinde,konumu bakımından zayıflayan ve sahip olduğu yetkiler anayasal hükümlerle sınırlandırılmakistenen bir padişah portresi vardır. Sultana bağlılık ve saygının azalması zaman içerisinde seküler birhukuk düzeninin alanının genişlemesi ile alakalıdır. Türk Milli kimliğinin inşası sürecinde, gelenekseltoplumsal yapının eleştirisi, bunun yanında halkın bütününün hukuk-ı siyasiyesini güvence altınaalan bir demokratik yapılanma siyasal parti programlarında yer almıştır. Osmanlı devletinde yaşayanfarklı etnik ve inançta halkların devlete olan bağlılığını sağlamaya dönük çabalar, dönemin siyasiparti programlarında demokratik ilke ve politikaların belirginleşmesini gerektirmiştir. ModernTürkiye'nin köklerini oluşturan ve insan unsuru bakımından Osmanlı dönemi Türk toplumunun birdevamı olan Türk toplumunun, Osmanlı kimliğinden Türk kimliğine geçişi, siyasi ve sosyal olarakkimlik değişiminin temel problemleri bu çalışmanın konusunu teşkil etmektedir. Bu dönemin siyasiparti programları, tüzük ve beyannameleri, siyasi partilerin yayın organlarında Osmanlılık, İslâmlıkve Türklük kavramlarına ilişkin yaklaşımlar, kimlik siyasetinin öncelikleri bu çalışmada incelenmiş vedeğerlendirilmiştir. ; One of the most debated areas of political and social transformation in Turkey, which is within the modernization process, is the scope and characteristics of the national identity phenomenon. It was obvious that the focal point of the tensest debates over the identity of Ottomanism and Turkishness during the transition period from Ottomanism to the nation-state is the question of the construction of national identity. When it comes to the definition and characteristics of national identity, it was observed that the political ideologies in Turkey make definitions highlighting the characteristics of Turkishness, Islamism, and Westernism by making definitions and characterizations that would make the Muslim and non-Muslim communities other and foreign. While the priority and rank of the ethnic and cultural characteristics of the national identity in Turkey were changed by nineteenthcentury political ideologies, the content and interpretations of the ethnic and cultural characteristics of the Turkish identity were observed to differentiate. In the political parties of the Constitutional Era, there was a portrait of a sultan who became weakened with regard to his position and whose powers were intended to be limited by constitutional provisions. The decrease in loyalty and respect for the sultan is related to the expansion of the area of a secular legal order over time. In the process of building the Turkish National identity, the criticism of the traditional social structure, and also, a democratic structuring securing the political rights of the whole people were included in the political party programs. The efforts to ensure the loyalty of the people of different ethnicities and beliefs living in the Ottoman state to the state required the democratic principles and policies to become evident in the political party programs of that period. The transition of Turkish society, that forms the roots of modern Turkey and is a continuation of the Ottoman period Turkish society with regard to human factor, from Ottoman identity to Turkish identity, and main problems of political and social identity change constituted the subject of this study. The political party programs, regulations and statements of this period, the approaches regarding the concepts of Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism in the media organs of political parties, and the priorities of identity politics were examined and evaluated in this study.
"Yan-an, China was the main organizing site of Chinese communism from 1935 to 1949. As the final destination of the Long March and center of the 'red bases,' it acquired mythical status during the Maoist period as the symbol and epitome of the Communist Party's triumph. Yet in the post-Mao period, Yan-an's significance diminished, along with its role as an emblem of revolutionary heroism. In this study, Ka-ming Wu presents an ethnographic account of contemporary Yan-an. She looks at Yan-an today to see what happened to that society and culture in the post-socialism era. Wu examines new dynamics between state and society in light of how rural residents in northwest China make sense of rapid social changes. Under Mao, Yan'an's rural culture was stripped of its spiritual contents and reorganized around socialist, anti-imperial rhetoric to glorify communists' socioeconomic reforms. Since the 1980s, rural Ya'an has been reimagined as a hinterland of ancient cultural traditions. Wu documents how revivals of rural practices are reworked within the socialist legacy, including folk paper-cutting, a local form of musical storytelling, and spiritual cults of local deities. Even though Mao had repressed these practices, surprisingly their current revival has brought out the sacredness or urgency of the revolution's legacy. Instead of assuming that ascendent market forces have replaced state socialism, the dominant line about post-Mao China today, Wu probes the various cultural practices in contemporary Yan'an that evade total commercialization. She contends that this public realm contains powerful religious and ritual practices that produce new forms of meaning out of turbulent rural conditions and new dynamics of state-society relations in the post-socialist era"--
