Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Hinweis zu den Abbildungen -- Fragen Lernen -- Die verlorene Ferne des Faschismus -- Erster Teil Reflexiver Faschismus: Ein Klimamodell -- Gefühlte Weltskizzen -- Affekttheorie, Metapolitik und drei Beispiele -- Reflexiver Faschismus -- Klimawandel von Rechts -- Zweiter Teil 15 Screenshots des reflexiven Faschismus -- Einleitung: Die rechte Hausse -- 1. Nazis weinen -- 2. Helles/Dunkles Netzwerk -- 3. Alt-Sexy -- 4. Das Recht, Allein zu sein -- 5. #GamerGate -- 6. Beta Feels -- 7. Junggesellenmaschinen -- 8. Kuratorischer Extremismus -- 9. Stehen Bleiben -- 10. Sich Verstricken I & II -- 11. Rechter Beziehungsalltag -- 12. Bösartige Mimikry (Sokal Squared) -- 13. Pokémon Fascism Go I & II -- 14. Zensur und Erschöpfung -- 15. Meine Freiheit Matters -- Dritter Teil Was Tun? -- A creature with life of its own -- Zur Verabschiedung des Normalen -- Kleine Ökologien -- Zusammenfassung -- Abbildungsverzeichnis -- Danksagung und Widmung

A new look at constructivism / Mariano E. Bertucci, Jarrod Hayes, and Patrick James -- Constructivism in international relations : the story so far / Mariano E. Bertucci, Jarrod Hayes, and Patrick James -- The future of constructivism : a constructivist assessment / David M. McCourt -- On constructivism, realism, and contingency / Oliver Kessler and Brent Steele -- Constructivism and the logic of legitimation / Stacie E. Goddard and Ronald R. Krebs -- The power of prejudice : the race gap in constructivist international relations scholarship / Audie Klotz -- Technology and constructivism : interrogating the material-ideational divide / Jordan Branch -- Integrating social psychological insights into constructivist research / Jennifer M. Ramos -- New wine into a (not so) old bottle? : constructivism and the practice turn / Jérémie Cornut -- Securitization theory : toward a replicable framework for analysis / Thomas Jamieson -- A realist perspective on the constructivist project / Charles Glaser -- Realism, uncertainty, and the security dilemma : identity and the tantalizing promise of transformed international relations / David Blagden -- If it is everything, it is nothing : an argument for specificity in constructivisms / Laura Sjoberg and J. Samuel Barkin -- Moving forward / Mariano E. Bertucci, Jarrod Hayes, and Patrick James -- Epilogue : constructivism and global international relations : false promise to vanguard / Amitav Acharya

The wise men of the Advisory Committee of Jurists (ACJ) and contemporary legal biography : an introduction / P. Sean Morris -- The legal conscience of a universal man : Rafael Altamira y Crevea (1866-1951) / Yolanda Gamarra -- National political ideologies and international legal practices : Raul Fernandes (1877-1968) / Arthur Roberto Capella Giannattasio -- A civilizational pluralist and inegalitarian : Mineichiro Adachi (1870-1934) / Tetsuya Toyoda -- Francis Hagerup (1853-1921) : a Norwegian legal internationalist / Dag Michalsen -- Elihu Root (1845-1937) : architect and advocate of the permanent court of international justice / William G. Ross -- Forgetting Albert Geouffre de Lapradelle (1871-1955) and ignorance as remembering / Toni Selkälä -- Edouard Descamps (1847-1933) : from negative neutrality to positive pacigerate -- The judicial-churchman for peace : Walter George Frank Phillimore (1855-1933) / P. Sean Morris -- Where is your tribunal? / Bernard Loder (1849-1935) and the quest for international justice / Freya Baetens and Veronica Lavista -- The Italian jurist and diplomat at the Advisory Committee of Jurists : Arturo Ricci Busatti (1868-1923) / Elisabetta Fiocchi Malaspina.

How does the public want a COVID-19 vaccine to be allocated? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 15,536 adults in 13 countries to evaluate 248,576 profiles of potential vaccine recipients who varied randomly on five attributes. Our sample includes diverse countries from all continents. The results suggest that in addition to giving priority to health workers and to those at high risk, the public favors giving priority to a broad range of key workers and to those with lower income. These preferences are similar across respondents of different education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across most surveyed countries. The public favored COVID-19 vaccines being allocated solely via government programs but were highly polarized in some developed countries on whether taking a vaccine should be mandatory. There is a consensus among the public on many aspects of COVID-19 vaccination, which needs to be taken into account when developing and communicating rollout strategies.

National audience ; How does the public want a COVID-19 vaccine to be allocated? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 15,536 adults in 13 countries to evaluate 248,576 profiles of potential vaccine recipients that varied randomly on five attributes. Our sample includes diverse countries from all continents. The results suggest that in addition to giving priority to health workers and to those at high risk, the public favours giving priority to a broad range of key workers and to those on lower incomes. These preferences are similar across respondents of different education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across most surveyed countries. The public favoured COVID-19 vaccines being allocated solely via government programs, but were highly polarized in some developed countries on whether taking a vaccine should be mandatory. There is a consensus among the public on many aspects of COVID-19 vaccination which needs to be taken into account when developing and communicating roll-out strategies.

UIDB/04647/2020 UIDP/04647/2020 ; This study aims to apprehend the representations of science published in two local newspapers (O Faialense and O Telégrafo) published in the periphery of Portugal (Faial Island, the Azores), in the last quarter of the 19th and early 20th century. For this purpose, the authors carried out a thematic and qualitative analysis of the news collected in these two newspapers. Results allow concluding that, while Positivism is considered one of the main currents of thought justifying the rise of the republican logic, which culminated in the revolution that deposed the constitutional monarchy regime and implemented the republican regime in 1910 in Portugal, the research carried out shows a growing appreciation and visibility of the importance ascribed to both science and technology, without, however, any explicit association with political ideologies. This may be due to the type of search carried out and the editorial lines of the two newspapers, as well as - or also - to their peripheral geographical location concerning the propagation of these ideas. ; publishersversion ; published

How does the public want a COVID-19 vaccine to be allocated? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 15,536 adults in 13 countries to evaluate 248,576 profiles of potential vaccine recipients that varied randomly on five attributes. Our sample includes diverse countries from all continents. The results suggest that in addition to giving priority to health workers and to those at high risk, the public favours giving priority to a broad range of key workers and to those on lower income. These preferences are similar across respondents of different education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across most surveyed countries. The public favoured COVID-19 vaccines being allocated solely via government programs, but were highly polarized in some developed countries on whether taking a vaccine should be mandatory. There is a consensus among the public on many aspects of COVID-19 vaccination which needs to be taken into account when developing and communicating roll-out strategies.

National audience ; How does the public want a COVID-19 vaccine to be allocated? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 15,536 adults in 13 countries to evaluate 248,576 profiles of potential vaccine recipients that varied randomly on five attributes. Our sample includes diverse countries from all continents. The results suggest that in addition to giving priority to health workers and to those at high risk, the public favours giving priority to a broad range of key workers and to those on lower incomes. These preferences are similar across respondents of different education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across most surveyed countries. The public favoured COVID-19 vaccines being allocated solely via government programs, but were highly polarized in some developed countries on whether taking a vaccine should be mandatory. There is a consensus among the public on many aspects of COVID-19 vaccination which needs to be taken into account when developing and communicating roll-out strategies.

How does the public want a COVID-19 vaccine to be allocated? We conducted a conjoint experiment asking 15,536 adults in 13 countries to evaluate 248,576 profiles of potential vaccine recipients who varied randomly on five attributes. Our sample includes diverse countries from all continents. The results suggest that in addition to giving priority to health workers and to those at high risk, the public favors giving priority to a broad range of key workers and to those with lower income. These preferences are similar across respondents of different education levels, incomes, and political ideologies, as well as across most surveyed countries. The public favored COVID-19 vaccines being allocated solely via government programs but were highly polarized in some developed countries on whether taking a vaccine should be mandatory. There is a consensus among the public on many aspects of COVID-19 vaccination, which needs to be taken into account when developing and communicating rollout strategies.

This study examines the role of heavy commenters on social media. We propose typologies of heavy commenters on Facebook pages of six news organizations in two systems that historically embraced different discourse cultures—the United States and Germany. We find that discourse cultures are impacted by news outlet and country: the US discourse is more participatory in terms of comment frequency, but further characterized by a strong non-discursive culture compared to a participatory liberal discourse culture in Germany. Frequency of commenting as normative ideal of social media sites (e.g. web traffic) does not lead to higher amounts of deliberation. On the contrary, it may contribute to what we conceptualize as the non-discursive model. As an expression of this, heavy commenters in the United States more often perform hate watching that manifests in hostile commenting on stories that are incongruent with their political ideologies. Implications for the democratic function of media organizations on social media are discussed.

As I write this editorial, #ZimbabweanLivesMatter has been trending on South Africa's social media platforms for close to 48 hours. Both local and international celebrities have spoken against human rights abuses, said to be on the increase in that country. With the COVID-19 pandemic regulations against social gatherings in full force, people have taken to social media to voice their displeasure. While politicians in the SADC region have, in the main, remained silent on the latest developments in that country, a growing civil society voice appears to be gaining traction with possibilities of straining international relations in the region. The issues in Zimbabwe are multifaceted; they cut across several sectors, administrative regimes and political ideologies. Such issues are also not unique to Zimbabwe since many African countries have had their share of inefficiencies, abuse of human rights and widespread public protests. This phenomenon encapsulates some of the issues explored in this July issue of the African Journal of Governance and Development.

In this paper, I will try to engage with African positions on gender and households and respond with a reading of New Testament texts from my position in a Nordic context within Europe. The terms "household" and "gender" refer to central issues in social and historical studies of societies. Household signifies a central social unit in a society whereas gender is an analytical category when discussing the social and ideological roles of men and women. The question of the forms of household and of the roles of men and women respectively, is part of the larger context of worldviews, political ideologies and ethics. The specific forms of household and gender play a large part in the societies that make up the contexts of New Testament texts, as well as in contemporary societies where these texts play important roles. In this essay, I seek a "dialogue" between the New Testament context and the church in Africa, focusing especially on the understanding of gender roles within Pentecostal churches.

Human rights are not (if even considered) prominent within typical nationalist discourses. Nationalism has preoccupations with wars, empire, heroism, common struggles, or self-righteousness. The national past is typically praised within patriotic narratives because this illustrates the idealized characteristics of identity. For the worst twentieth century examples of nationalism (and related political ideologies), it is accepted that their violence emanated from implementing and justifying their philosophies. The language of "human rights" is routinely utilized in relation to these examples, particularly in the field of history. Nations associated with liberalism, democracy, and "moral progress" (such as Britain, America, or Australia) are also attached to heroic nationalist narratives, but these narratives are widely held (by themselves) to be self-evidently true. Such nations have long associations with the principles of post-1945 international law and human rights declarations, but have been selective in their support for human rights. This is mirrored by a willingness to ignore (downplay or even justify) human rights controversies within their own pasts.

This article traces certain concerns of natural justice in the thought of Nasser Hussain through the lens of several of Hussain's writings. The article's first section examines the 1966 privacy case, Griswold v. Connecticut, as a paradigm of certain natural law concerns which become important in Hussain's work on the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights. The second section examines a chapter of Hussain's book The Jurisprudence of Emergency, on nineteenth-century Indian and British legal history, in the context of relevant strands of thought from previous eras, chiefly Montesquieu and Thomas Hobbes; the analysis asserts that the primitive or "natural" portrayals of colonial populations constructed by European legal-political ideologies inflect natural-law thinking in a way which sheds light on the concerns of the article's first section. The third section moves to Hussain's concern with recent American use of unmanned aerial vehicles (drones) in the Middle East, tracing their history through the postcolonial era to render broad conclusions about how some of Hussain's larger natural-justice concerns might be addressed.