Suchergebnisse

Das Volk kreiert mit der Wahl der Abgeordneten des Deutschen Bundestages sein unitarisches Vertretungsorgan. Art. 38 Abs. 1 S. 2 GG beruft sie dabei zu Vertretern des 'ganzen' Volkes. Doch wenn hiernach das 'ganze' Volk zu vertreten ist, hängt das Gelingen dieser Aufgabe nicht fundamental schon von der tatsächlichen Zusammensetzung des Parlaments ab? Unter diesen Vorzeichen ist sowohl auf Bundes- als auch auf Landesebene namentlich die Geschlechterungleichheit in den Fokus der (nicht nur) rechtspolitischen Debatte gerückt. Zur Erreichung des Ziels gleicher Repräsentanz von Frauen und Männern werden im Allgemeinen "geschlechterparitätische Wahlvorschlagsregelungen" in Stellung gebracht. Die Arbeit will in diesem Kontext eine bestehende Lücke schließen. Sie konzentriert sich auf die mit Parité-Gesetzen adressierten Fragen der Demokratietheorie und schält vor dem Hintergrund der eigenständigen Bedeutung des grundgesetzlichen Demokratieprinzips sowie seiner politischen Freiheits- und Gleichheitsidee den Bezugspunkt demokratischer Repräsentation heraus.

Contemporary studies on Syria assume that the country's Ba'thist regime has been effective in subduing its Islamic opposition, placing Syria at odds with the Middle East's larger trends of rising Islamic activism and the eclipse of secular ideologies as the primary source of political activism. Yet this assumption founders when confronted with the clear resurgence in Islamic militantism in the country since 2004. This book examines Syria's current political reality as regards its Islamic movement, describing the country's present day Islamic groups - particularly their social profile and ideol

"The military played a critical role in the twentieth century history of the Iberian Peninsula. They triggered and conditioned political developments and became both an important source of support and concern for Portuguese and Spanish governments. This compelling study is a comparative historical analysis of the instruments that governments used to control the military throughout two stages of Iberian recent history: first, Salazar's and Franco's dictatorships and, second, the transitions and early democratic periods (until 1986). In Portugal, the military, which had handed power over to a civilian dictator, Salazar, became a threat for the regime and ended up causing the downfall of the authoritarian Estado Novo with the Carnations revolution in 1974. In Spain the military, which helped Franco to defeat the Republic in 1939 remained loyal to the dictator's principles and posed a threat to democracy, culminating in the 23F coup attempt in 1981. This book explores the discrepancy between the experiences of two countries that share such strong political, social and geographical similarities"--

The chronology of economic ideas in Spanish Enlightenment is well known. However, the most accepted periodization does not fit with the evolution of moral philosophy and political economy in the 18th century, nor does it reflect the alternation in economic ideologies. After considering a joint articulation of national and generational approaches to the European economic thought, it seems important to differentiate the contents of political economy and civil economy to study the Spanish case. Below is a new periodization in five stages of enlightened economic thought in Spain: the time of colbertism and projectism (1714-1740), this of the learning of the science of commerce in Ensenada's period (1740-1759), the emergence of political economy (1759-1773), the hegemony of the civil economy in late Enlightenment (1773-1792) and the return of political economy (1792-1808)/n ; La cronología de las ideas económicas en la Ilustración española es bien conocida. No obstante, la periodización más aceptada no encaja con las evoluciones de la filosofía moral y de la economía política en el siglo xviii, ni tampoco refleja la alternancia en las ideologías económicas. Tras considerar una articulación conjunta de los enfoques nacional y generacional del pensamiento económico europeo, se plantea la importancia de diferenciar los contenidos de la economía política y de la economía civil para estudiar el caso español. Se ofrece a continuación una nueva periodización en cinco etapas del pensamiento económico ilustrado en España: la época del colbertismo y del proyectismo (1714-1740), la del aprendizaje de la ciencia del comercio en el ensenadismo (1740-1759), la emergencia de la economía política (1759-1773), la hegemonía de la economía civil en Ilustración tardía (1773-1792) y el retorno de la economía política (1792-1808)./n

Confronting language fetishism in practice / William Simpson & John P. O'Regan -- Language as instrument, resource, and maybe capital, but not commodity : a Marxian clarification / John E. Petrovic & Bedrettin Yazan -- Language, contextand economic value : an interactionist approach / Kenneth McGill -- Misconceptions of economics and political economy in sociolinguistic research / François Grin -- Between voice and voices : negotiating value among interpreters in Toronto / Julie H. Tay & Sebastian Muth -- "A breathtaking English" : negotiating what counts as distinctive linguistic capital at an elite international school near Barcelona / Andrea SunyolGarcia-Moreno -- Language as an economic and political resource in the making of a Himalayan tourism village / Bal Krishna Sharma -- When linguistic capital isn't enough : personality development and English speakerhood as capital in India / Katy Highet & Alfonso Del Percio -- Ideologies of multilingualism as an investment and as a marketable commodity among Greek expat families in Luxembourg / Nikos Gogonas -- Names as linguistic capital / Peter K. W. Tan -- Ideologies of French and commodification : what does meaning-making imply for multilinguals in transnational times? / Sylvie Roy & Julie Byrd Clarke -- Coda : issues arising around conceptual and empirical work on the commodification of language / David Block.

Lebte die athenische Demokratie ganz aus ihrer täglichen Praxis und kam sie deshalb ohne theoretische Begründung oder gar Ideologie aus? Und lebten ihre Kritiker nur in ihrer eigenen Oppositionswelt oder haben sie Konzepte, Vorstellungen und Ideen der ungeliebten Ordnung übernommen?Der Sammelband stellt zunächst Elemente der demokratischen Ideologie in Athen vor; ferner werden systematische Aspekte des demokratiekritischen bzw. antidemokratischen Diskurses erörtert. Fünf Fallstudien behandeln Schriften - von Pseudo-Xenophon bis Aristoteles -, deren Autoren der Demokratie feindlich oder zumindest kritisch gegenüberstanden. Zwei abschließende Aufsätze verfolgen Argumente und Traditionslinien antidemokratischen Denkens, bis hin zum Postulat einer angeblich natürlichen Ungleichheit und eines Rechts des Stärkeren, bis ins 19. Jahrhundert bzw. die Zeit vor und nach dem 1. Weltkrieg. Insgesamt ergibt sich ein neues, wesentlich differenzierteres Bild der argumentativen Verschränkung von Verteidigern und Gegnern der (athenischen) Demokratie. Das ist auch für die Diskussion um eine Krise der modernen Demokratien von Bedeutung, die häufig historisch unzureichend geerdet erscheint.

"The election of Donald Trump as President of the United States sent shockwaves across the globe. How was such an outcome even possible? And how can we move beyond the deep crisis of Western democracy that the election of Trump represents? In two lectures given at American universities in the immediate aftermath of the election, the leading French philosopher Alain Badiou helps us to make sense of this extraordinary event. He argues that Trump's victory was the symptom of a global crisis made up of four characteristics: the triumph of a brutal and violent form of global capitalism, the decomposition of the established political elite, the growing frustration and disorientation that many people feel today, and the absence of a compelling alternative vision. It was in this context that Trump could emerge as a new kind of political figure that was both inside and outside the political system, a member of the Republican Party who, at the same time, represents something outside the system--sexism, racism and a tendency toward violence and fascism. The progressive political challenge now is to create something new that offers people a real choice, a radical alternative based on principles of universality and equality. This concise account of the meaning of Trump should be read by everyone who wants to understand what is happening in our world today"--

"An examination of the development of the Olympic movement in Puerto Rico in the context of national and political identity"--

Die Untersuchung zu Carl Schmitts Intention in seinem politischen Denken steht – mit methodischem Bezug auf die Cambridge School – im Mittelpunkt der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit. Die Arbeit strukturiert Schmitts Gedankengut in die vier Kategorien Politische Philosophie, Politische Theologie, Staatswissenschaft und Internationale Beziehungen. Die Arbeit stellt die These auf, dass Schmitt als ein Vorläufer der Globalisierungskritiker gesehen werden kann, welcher die Entmachtung der Staatssouveränität in der globalen Welt hinterfragt. Mit dem Begriff Globalisierung ist in diesem Zusammenhang die Demokratisierung des Rechtsverfahrens in der Innenpolitik und die Verrechtlichung des Naturzustandes zwischen den Staaten in der Außenpolitik gemeint, aus der im Habermasschen Sinne die Weltgesellschaft entsteht. »Globalization and the Political« The focus of this research is the investigation of Carl Schmitt's intention in his political ideas. This work structures Schmitt's ideas into four categories – namely, political philosophy, political theology, jurisprudence, and international relations – in order that Schmitt's intention in his works, out of which a coherent pattern does not necessarily arise, might be crystallized. This thesis argues that Schmitt was a forerunner of globalization critics. Die Untersuchung Carl Schmitts Intention im Kontext seines politischen Denkens steht im Mittelpunkt der vorliegenden Forschungsarbeit. Die Arbeit strukturiert Schmitts Denken in die vier Kategorien Politische Philosophie, Politische Theologie, Staatswissenschaft und Internationale Beziehungen. Dabei stellt die Arbeit die These auf, dass Schmitt als ein Vorläufer der Globalisierungskritiker gesehen werden kann. Seyed Alireza Mousavi, geboren im Iran, studierte Politikwissenschaft in seiner Heimat, wo er sein Bachelor- und Masterstudium abschloss. Er promovierte an der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena. Mousavi hat bei der ersten Ausgabe des Journals Carl-Schmitt-Studien mitgewirkt, in der sein Aufsatz mit dem Titel »Staatsbewusstsein und schiitischer Islam: Die Analyse Ayatollah Ruhollah Chomeinis politischer Gedanken im Kontext von Carl Schmitts Konzeptionen« veröffentlicht wurde. Er unterrichtete am Institut für Politikwissenschaft an der Universität Jena im Sommersemester 2015 »Politische Philosophie im schiitischen Islam« und im Wintersemester 2016 »Die Politische Theorie von Carl Schmitt«.

Questions whether liberalism, despite its remarkable success in the realm of the economy, provides an adequate bulwark against non-democratic ideologies, or whether under some conditions it may actually stimulate their growth. (SJO)

The Balkans have historically been referred to by many as a transition region. There has always been a policy of dissolving (assimilating) one another between the peoples who settled/placed in the Balkan lands and the existing ones. For this reason, it is possible to express that an unstable structure prevails in the historical process. However, Balkan geography, despite its unstable structure, has managed to survive even in a multicultural structure until today. The Balkan lands are located in an attractive region where the Asian, European and African continents intersect with the Eastern Mediterranean. Therefore, the changes taking place on the Balkan geography can also affect the stability structures of the nearby geographies. In this context, the Balkans, which have an important geostrategic structure, are a region that has been a fighting area between many cultures throughout history. Instead of being referred to as a geographical domain name with its characteristics, the Balkans have taken its place in the history scene as a political issue. The Balkan Peninsula has a complex ethnic mosaic, including religion, language, culture and ethnic differences. It is a special geography that has witnessed identity formations where the worlds of individuals of different beliefs intersect and at the same time identity separations. The Balkan geography was an important place because it was the spark that ignited the fuse, which was the reason for the emergence of both World Wars. With this aspect, the Balkans, which are projected to host important developments in the future, are considered to be the cradle of innovations due to the effect of globalization phenomenon. This is why Turkey must take into account regional and global power actors while establishing foreign policy strategies for the Balkans. Throughout history, language, religion, culture, ethnic pluralism and multiculturalism such as conflict and instability in the Balkans due to differences together with the end of the Cold War, disputes carried over to generation for centuries, the religion brought by the difference in clashes, big country remained under the influence of many factors such as ideologies. Tito Yugoslavia was subjected to the exploitation of the global powers, which came into competition to become "world dominant" in the international environment through the influence of the world political cyclical restructuring, which is referred to as globalization. Related abuses and ideologies have also pushed Balkan peoples into conflicts and civil wars. The aim of this study is to examine Turkish and Balkan cultures and explain the concepts of ethnic, intercultural communication and multiculturalism in the context of globalization. The main claim of the study is that the idea of creating national identities is based on the fact that the nationalist movements that emerged after the French Revolution of 1,789 increased with each passing day, shaping political relations, nurturing political ideologies and their derivative developments led to ethnic conflicts. The argument that there may be a relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflicts is the main starting point of the study. The study aims to analyze the Western Balkans from the Ottoman Empire to the present day within the framework of the concepts and theories of ethnic identity, intercultural communication and multiculturalism.