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The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.

Abstract: Foreign policy analysis (FPA), recognized as a sub-discipline of international relations, focused on explaining foreign policy or, alternatively, on the processes and behaviors in the framework of this policy. FPA is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision-makers acting singly or in groups. Explication of the process and the behavior of decision-makers may need to reach categories and tools developed within other disciplines. The main aim of the paper is to identify the emphasis of interdisciplinary research especially in the perspective adopted by the author of the individual level of analysis of foreign policy. The use of tools and categories relevant to the study of political leadership and political psychology, may allow, more than ever, verifiability of assertions in the study of foreign policy. ; Analiza polityki zagranicznej ujmowana jako subdyscyplina stosunków międzynarodowych albo alternatywnie wyodrębniony obszar badawczy koncentruje się na wyjaśnianiu polityki zagranicznej, nawiązując do teoretycznych założeń i twierdzeń na temat ludzkich zachowań jednostek. Eksplikacja zachowań i decyzji decydentów podejmowanych w ramach polityki zagranicznej może wymagać sięgnięcia do kategorii i narzędzi wypracowanych w ramach innych dyscyplin. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie interdyscyplinarności badań, zwłaszcza przy przyjętej przez autorkę perspektywie jednostkowego poziomu analizy polityki zagranicznej. Zastosowanie narzędzi i kategorii właściwych studiom nad przywództwem politycznym, a także psychologii politycznej może umożliwić większą niż dotychczas weryfikowalność twierdzeń w badaniach nad polityką zagraniczną.

This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.

The paper attempts to present the ideas of Robert Michels, known as the author of the "iron law of oligarchy." Unfortunately, this disciple and coworker of Max Weber is relatively unpopular in Poland. His fundamental work has not been published in Polish so far, while his thoughts appear to remain both original and topical. According to Michels, the need for organization and leadership comes from the masses, which tend to be passive and require direction. In the opinion of the author of the Political Parties, the mass character of 'contemporary' social phenomena makes directly-democratic leadership impossible. Even those institutions that are the most fervent supporters of the idea of such democracy are only an 'average' reflection of this ideally-typical system. An average model illustrates to what extent decision- making practices maintain only the appearances of democratic standards whereas the whole system observes an intensifying deficit of direct democracy. Robert Michels discusses the technical and administrative conditions of leadership and its autocratic nature, which is the core of the paper.

Jednostki samorządu terytorialnego stanowią bardzo ważne struktury w tworzeniu i realizacji polityki regionalnej na szczeblu województwa, jak również polityki lokalnej na szczeblu powiatu i gminy. W selekcji kandydatów do samorządowych organów władzy, pierwszoplanową rolę odgrywają partie polityczne. Partyjne procedury tworzenia i zatwierdzania list wyborczych na radnych, a także sposób wyboru jednoosobowych organów samorządowych mają niebagatelne znaczenie dla jakości regionalnych i lokalnych elit władzy. Na charakter przywództwa politycznego występującego na szczeblu regionalnym lub lokalnym niewątpliwy wpływ wywierają powiązania personalne struktur partyjnych z władzami samorządowymi, jak również typ kultury politycznej dominującej w danej społeczności. Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie powyższych uwarunkowań związanych z wyłanianiem i funkcjonowaniem władz samorządowych. ; Local authority units constitute significant structures in the creation and execution of regional policy at the regional level, as well as local policy at the district and municipal levels. Political parties play the leading role in selecting candidates for local govemment bodies. Party procedures for composing and approving councilors' ballot papers, as well as the method of electing single person local authorities are crucial for the quality of regional and local elites of power. The character o f political leadership at regional and local levels is undoubtedly influenced by personal relations between party structures and local authorities, as well as by the type of political culture that dominates in a given community. The subject of the paper is the presentation o f the above determinants, regarding the appointment and functioning of local authorities.

The political leadership concerns a special kind of performed assignments, arriving at a decision of a greater meaning and rank than the resolutions of other kind of leaders. It is related to power domain that is bigger in comparison with the non-political leaders, because it includes more numerous and more varied measures of authority. This problem is analysed by the authors of publications in "Nasz Dziennik". They comment on the present political and social situation in Poland to show who should be their ideal. As shown by this study, this vision is characteristic of all groups connected with the daily. Due to their association with the same group of media, consumer people who are different in respect of sex, profession and social group activities, share similar opinions. A scientific background accumulated by the author of the articles, takes also the opinion of the newspaper's readers into account. The analysis of these texts is to compose the models of political leaders. personality to answer the question - what is the 'ideal' promoted by "Nasz Dziennik". Because of the radical language used in this newspaper, the author examines the positive and negative qualities of political leaders to build a true image. The article shows that the anti.model of political leaders created by the daily contains a criticism of liberals, democrats, autocrats, tripe and figure heads and career bureaucrats. They all are the worse group of leaders due to having the greatest power and access to the media. Although we find many rationalized arguments in their negative opinions, the impression is the same - bad are those who govern. The criticism not only deals with democratic.liberal parties, but it was also leveled at AWS at the end of its regime. The situation of this last party did not live up to the expectations of "Nasz Dziennik", as such models are impossible to realize. The model is not interchangeable. In the articles, we find the opinions which refuse an ideal role of a particular person in leadership, but at the same time we can hear the voices for building programmes and visions around a strong authority.

The article presents the composition of the leadership of the Polish United Workers' Party, that is the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the Central Committee, in 1956–1970. Next, the twenty-nine persons making up the leadership are portrayed, with an analysis of their social and demographic data: age, place of birth, social background, ethnic origins, and education, as well as their motivations for joining the communist movement and the course of their political career up to their entering the party leadership. ; W artykule scharakteryzowano skład osobowy kierownictwa Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, tj. Biura Politycznego i Sekretariatu Komitetu Centralnego, w latach 1956–1970. Następnie nakreślono portret zbiorowy 29 osób tworzących kierownictwo w tym okresie, poddając analizie ich cechy społeczno-demograficzne: wiek, miejsce urodzenia, pochodzenie społeczne i etniczne, wykształcenie oraz motywy akcesu do ruchu komunistycznego i przebieg kariery politycznej do momentu wejścia do kierownictwa partii.

The article presents the composition of the leadership of the Polish United Workers' Party, that is the Political Bureau and Secretariat of the Central Committee, in 1956–1970. Next, the twenty-nine persons making up the leadership are portrayed, with an analysis of their social and demographic data: age, place of birth, social background, ethnic origins, and education, as well as their motivations for joining the communist movement and the course of their political career up to their entering the party leadership. ; W artykule scharakteryzowano skład osobowy kierownictwa Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, tj. Biura Politycznego i Sekretariatu Komitetu Centralnego, w latach 1956–1970. Następnie nakreślono portret zbiorowy 29 osób tworzących kierownictwo w tym okresie, poddając analizie ich cechy społeczno-demograficzne: wiek, miejsce urodzenia, pochodzenie społeczne i etniczne, wykształcenie oraz motywy akcesu do ruchu komunistycznego i przebieg kariery politycznej do momentu wejścia do kierownictwa partii.

Political leadership is among the fundamental political-science categories, it remains to be defined clearly as a phenomenon. Nevertheless, as the years have passed, conditions in and around political systems have given rise to leadership models models describable in line with a triad of change from traditional leadership to marketing-oriented leadership and then to neo-leadership. The innovative definition of the latter has then been brought together with considerations of political image, with the resultant category then proving of interest to those researching either the political, or the sociological, or the communicological perspectives. The images of all key players in politics are both created and managed, while leadership that is actually effective or perceived to be so is essential if political power and support are to be built and maintained. The example of Polish President Andrzej Duda is here used in an analysis of the image of Head of State, in the circumstances of the 2015–2020 period overall, as well as the 2020 (re-) election campaign. This is done with a view to answering a general question regarding the extent to which a given politician (and here A. Duda specifically) is the creator or the prisoner of his/her own image. Account is thus taken of the factors shaping the image of this particular President (i.e. advisors and family, the media and the electorate). While the conclusions obtained here are not unequivocal, they do open up new questions relating to the future of leadership in times of crises and the existence of major populist movements. Consideration of these issues is here based mainly on the comparative and historical methods.

Artykuł podejmuje kwestię przyczyn zmian przywódców w polskich partiach politycznych. Pod uwagę wzięto dwa główne czynniki, które – zgodnie z przyjętymi w środowisku naukowym poglądom – w sposób decydujący warunkują czas trwania na stanowisku. Po pierwsze, przeprowadzono analizę formalnych procedur związanych z odwoływaniem liderów partii politycznych zawartych w statutach partyjnych. Po drugie, przedstawiono wpływ wyniku wyborczego (uzyskane głosy i fakt zawiązania bądź nie koalicji gabinetowej) na zdolność liderów do utrzymania się na stanowisku. Analiza objęła partie polityczne, które uzyskały mandaty w wyborach do Sejmu przeprowadzonych w 2011 r., a więc Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platformę Obywatelską, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe , Ruch Palikota oraz Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej. Artykuł podejmuje zmianę przywódców od momentu powstania wymienionych partii. Analiza ujawniła silny wpływ uzyskanego wyniku wyborczego i rozwiązań statutowych na czas trwania liderów na stanowisku. Fakt zawiązania lub nie koalicji gabinetowej nie wpływa zasadniczo na utrzymanie przywództwa w partii. ; The paper deals with the issue of the reasons for the replacement of the leaders of political parties in Poland. It takes into consideration the two main factors that have been agreed by academic circles to be decisive for the duration of a leader's staying in his/her post. Firstly, an analysis of the formal procedures regulating the dismissal of the leaders of political parties provided by the party statutes is conducted. Secondly, the paper presents the influence election results (the number of votes won and the fact of establishing a government coalition or failing to do so) have on the leaders' ability to keep their post. The analysis encompasses the political parties that won a mandate in the 2011 parliamentary elections, that is Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), Polish People's Party (PSL), Palikot's Movement (RP) and the Democratic Left Alliance (LSD). The paper discusses the topic of the replacement of the leaders since the beginnings of these parties. The analysis reveals a strong influence of election results and statutory provisions on the duration of respective leaders' terms. The fact of entering into a government coalition, or failing to do so, does not have a significant influence on the leaders' maintaining their position.

Artykuł podejmuje kwestię przyczyn zmian przywódców w polskich partiach politycznych. Pod uwagę wzięto dwa główne czynniki, które – zgodnie z przyjętymi w środowisku naukowym poglądami – w sposób decydujący warunkują czas trwania na stanowisku. Po pierwsze, przeprowadzono analizę formalnych procedur związanych z odwoływaniem liderów partii politycznych zawartych w statutach partyjnych. Po drugie, przedstawiono wpływ wyniku wyborczego (uzyskane głosy i fakt zawiązania bądź nie koalicji gabinetowej) na zdolność liderów do utrzymania się na stanowisku. Analiza objęła partie polityczne, które uzyskały mandaty w wyborach do Sejmu przeprowadzonychw2011 r., a więc Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platformę Obywatelską, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Ruch Palikota oraz Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej. Artykuł podejmuje zmianę przywódców od momentu powstania wymienionych partii. Analiza ujawniła silny wpływ uzyskanego wyniku wyborczego i rozwiązań statutowych na czas trwania liderów na stanowisku. Fakt zawiązania lub nie koalicji gabinetowej nie wpływa zasadniczo na utrzymanie przywództwa w partii. ; The paper deals with the issue of the reasons for the replacement of the leaders of political parties in Poland. It takes into consideration the two main factors that have been agreed by academic circles to be decisive for the duration of a leader's staying in his/her post. Firstly, an analysis of the formal procedures regulating the dismissal of the leaders of political parties provided by the party statutes is conducted. Secondly, the paper presents the influence election results (the number of votes won and the fact of establishing a government coalition or failing to do so) have on the leaders' ability to keep their post. The analysis encompasses the political parties that won a mandate in the 2011 parliamentary elections, that is Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), Polish People's Party (PSL), Palikot's Movement (RP) and the Democratic Left Alliance (LSD). The paper discusses the topic of the replacement of the leaders since the beginnings of these parties. The analysis reveals a strong influence of election results and statutory provisions on the duration of respective leaders' terms. The fact of entering into a government coalition, or failing to do so, does not have a significant influence on the leaders' maintaining their position.

The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the question of the impact of Aleksander Vucic political leadership on democracy in Serbia. In this analysis it will be used the new concept of stabilitocracy which describes the semi-authoritarian regimes in the Western Balkans. Furthermore, in order to measure the state of democracy in Serbia I will analyse the Democracy Index produced by The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Nations in Transit reports (Freedom House) and the Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders. I will summarize the article with some conclusions regarding the need for further research.