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This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

This paper examines the new forms of political participation, whose central feature is not a gathering power of political solidarity, but a chequebook participation that developed in recent decades as a result of neoliberal policies. This so called "professionalised" approach overtakes traditional grassroots activists' practises. Political solidarity – one of the three essential elements of democracy (together with freedom and equality) – has been gradually replaced by managerial techniques resulting in a deepening deficit of democracy. One of the reasons behind the changing trends in political participation is the so-called professionalisation of the non-governmental sector, when hired administrators substitute face-to-face grassroots actions by managerial sales strategies. As a result, we see more individualised participatory actions which do not aim at changing any existing political institutions into more socially just ones. Individualised civic participation changes the traditional forms and motives of political solidarity as well as political mobilisation; as a result, democratic citizenry experiences are reduced to political participation.

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women's equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Contemporary political scientists argue that citizens of established democracies engage in the activities of political participation more actively than the ones of new democracies. However, little is known about the extent of such a difference, therefore, the paper attempts to quantify it by comparing the activeness of political participation in a new democracy – Lithuania, and in an established one – Germany. The margin of the difference presumed is determined by utilizing a descriptive statistical analysis method while comparing three forms of political participation in the analyzed countries: voting, protests, and membership in political parties. The article finishes by putting the differences in the activity of political participation in concrete numbers, and is concluded with the following statement: Germans are voting more often, however, Lithuanian citizens protest more frequently, and join political parties more actively than the German ones.

Active political participation in the process of democratic governance provides citizens an opportunity to influence elections and control politician's work. The aim of this article was to identify the impact of internet on political participation of voters in Lithuania. The tendencies of internet penetration and activeness of voters were analysed. Furthermore causal relations between political participation in 2007-2012 elections and factors of internet penetration (hosehold with internet access and individuals, who used internet daily or at least once per week) were analyzed in this article. According to this study relation between activeness of voters in 2007-2012 election and factors of internet penetration was found. After division of election according their types, the relation was observed only in the election of Parliament. It is noted, that further internet penetration and more active application of electronic democracy forms will give bigger opportunities to participate in policy for electors who have the internet.

Active political participation in the process of democratic governance provides citizens an opportunity to influence elections and control politician's work. The aim of this article was to identify the impact of internet on political participation of voters in Lithuania. The tendencies of internet penetration and activeness of voters were analysed. Furthermore causal relations between political participation in 2007-2012 elections and factors of internet penetration (hosehold with internet access and individuals, who used internet daily or at least once per week) were analyzed in this article. According to this study relation between activeness of voters in 2007-2012 election and factors of internet penetration was found. After division of election according their types, the relation was observed only in the election of Parliament. It is noted, that further internet penetration and more active application of electronic democracy forms will give bigger opportunities to participate in policy for electors who have the internet.

Active political participation in the process of democratic governance provides citizens an opportunity to influence elections and control politician's work. The aim of this article was to identify the impact of internet on political participation of voters in Lithuania. The tendencies of internet penetration and activeness of voters were analysed. Furthermore causal relations between political participation in 2007-2012 elections and factors of internet penetration (hosehold with internet access and individuals, who used internet daily or at least once per week) were analyzed in this article. According to this study relation between activeness of voters in 2007-2012 election and factors of internet penetration was found. After division of election according their types, the relation was observed only in the election of Parliament. It is noted, that further internet penetration and more active application of electronic democracy forms will give bigger opportunities to participate in policy for electors who have the internet.

Active political participation in the process of democratic governance provides citizens an opportunity to influence elections and control politician's work. The aim of this article was to identify the impact of internet on political participation of voters in Lithuania. The tendencies of internet penetration and activeness of voters were analysed. Furthermore causal relations between political participation in 2007-2012 elections and factors of internet penetration (hosehold with internet access and individuals, who used internet daily or at least once per week) were analyzed in this article. According to this study relation between activeness of voters in 2007-2012 election and factors of internet penetration was found. After division of election according their types, the relation was observed only in the election of Parliament. It is noted, that further internet penetration and more active application of electronic democracy forms will give bigger opportunities to participate in policy for electors who have the internet.