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In the Federal Republic of Germany, the accumulation of social problems in underprivileged urban districts (characterized by high unemployment & bad housing conditions) has resulted in increased prejudice against foreigners & general political dissatisfaction. Arguing that this political discontent is not remedied by the established political parties & results in low voting participation or "exit," on the one hand, & increasing protest voting or "voice," on the other, an ecological analysis of census data from the 1987 state elections in 98 Hamburg districts was conducted. Using variables relating to housing situation, education, & employment, it was found that low voter turnout as well as extreme Right voting were related to low education & housing conditions &, by implication, to high unemployment & presence of high amounts of immigrants. Results were consistent with data regarding left-wing & centralist protest voting by well-educated urban professionals & the middle class, respectively. 1 Table, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.

It is admitted that issues of motivation for voluntary participation were little analysed in context of management (e.g., Marcinkevičiūtė, 2010; Christauskas, Petrauskiene, Marcinkeviciute, 2012). In Lithuania the topic of citizen involvement is particularly popular in political science (e.g., citizen political participation is actively analysed in publications by Imbrasaitė (2009a, b; 2010; 2011) etc). This article focuses on managerial context, therefore relevance of the topic and comparison of data of empirical research is based on increasing attention of scientists (e.g., Tijunaitiene, Neverauskas, Balciunas, 2009b; Petukienė, 2010; Buzaitytė – Kašalynienė, Narkeliūnaitė, 2011; Raipa, Buškevičiūtė, 2011; Stumbraitė-Vilkišienė, 2011; Christauskas et al., 2012; Gudžinskienė, Kurapkaitienė, Januškevičiūtė, 2013) to motivation to participate in civil society organisations and participation of individual segments. [.]

It is admitted that issues of motivation for voluntary participation were little analysed in context of management (e.g., Marcinkevičiūtė, 2010; Christauskas, Petrauskiene, Marcinkeviciute, 2012). In Lithuania the topic of citizen involvement is particularly popular in political science (e.g., citizen political participation is actively analysed in publications by Imbrasaitė (2009a, b; 2010; 2011) etc). This article focuses on managerial context, therefore relevance of the topic and comparison of data of empirical research is based on increasing attention of scientists (e.g., Tijunaitiene, Neverauskas, Balciunas, 2009b; Petukienė, 2010; Buzaitytė – Kašalynienė, Narkeliūnaitė, 2011; Raipa, Buškevičiūtė, 2011; Stumbraitė-Vilkišienė, 2011; Christauskas et al., 2012; Gudžinskienė, Kurapkaitienė, Januškevičiūtė, 2013) to motivation to participate in civil society organisations and participation of individual segments. [.]

During the 1980s and 1990s China has been experimenting with reform of its health insurance system. Based on a study of experimental schemes in several cities in eastern China in the late 1990s, this paper shows that the schemes' main problems are due to the vested interests of enterprises, hospitals, officials, and other beneficiaries of the pre‐reform system. Reform policy has been implemented slowly, and local health insurance schemes have (1) suffered from poor participation rates, and (2) had difficulties balancing contributions into local government‐run pooled funds with expenditures needed for medical treatment. These problems threaten the viability of the national programme announced in late 1998. The solution lies in improving local government capacity through effective legislation and training, but this will be difficult to achieve.

A collection of essays and addresses by a Costa Rican business leader and activist in women's organizations. The essays were written in the 1990s and focus on gender equality, economic progress of women, family abuse and political participation by women

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Contributors -- Editors' Introduction -- 1 On the Necessarily Public Character of Law -- Part I Constituted Publics -- 2 Rediscovering 'The Public': The Curious Case of Benjamin Constan -- 3 Democracy, Political Parties and the Will of the People -- 4 Between Contract and Constitution: International Organizations and the Protection of Global Public Interests -- Part II Unconstituted Publics -- 5 'Unconstituted Publics'? -- 6 A Dilemma for the Civil Disobedient: Pleading 'Guilty' or 'Not Guilty' in the Court Room? -- 7 Justifying Civil Disobedience With Reference to EU Public Consensus -- Part III Excluded Publics -- 8 Excluded Publics - Included Privates: The Janus Headed Nature of the Liberal Public-Private Divide -- 9 The Prisoner's Right to Vote: The Creation of an Abnormal and Excluded Public -- 10 Subjects to Citizens: 'Native' Enfranchisement in Reconstituting the Imperial Public of the British Empire, c. 1887-1914 -- Part IV Public/Private -- 11 The Public/Private Dichotomy and the Unity of Capitalist (Re-)production -- 12 The Public Nature of Private Law? -- 13 Between the Public and the Private: Banking Law in 1830s England -- 14 The Public-ness of Development in the World Trade Organization -- Part V Emerging Publics: The Role of the Victim in International Criminal Justice -- 15 The Impact of the Distinction Between Situations and Cases on the Participation of Victims in the International Criminal Court -- 16 Addressing the Interests of Victims: Perspectives from the Office of the Prosecutor -- 17 Victim's Access to the International Criminal Court: Much Remains to be Done -- Index.

In recent years, global governance institutions have operationalized their commitment to the right to health by advocating for universal health coverage (UHC) – particularly in the Global South. UHC aims to develop health systems that are efficient, well-staffed, and capable of providing affordable and appropriate medical care and essential medicines to rich and poor alike (World Health Organisation, 2014). The political priority afforded to this goal is driven by an acknowledgement that people in wealthy and poor countries alike are priced out of the "market" for health care. This has caused concern because of the negative economic effects associated with inadequate access to care. Academic research and scholarly rhetoric often justifies UHC on the grounds that it will strengthen the economic position of households (particularly households living below or just above the poverty line) and contributes to the growth prospects of national economies (World Health Organisation Commission on Macroeconomics and Health, n.d.). UHC is thus framed as an investment in human capital: Healthier citizens are more productive citizens. They are more capable of investing in their own well-being, and that of their dependents, through participation in the labor market rather than relying on public assistance.

Data from the 1990 & 1992 International Social Survey Program on the role of government & social inequality in postindustrial societies are drawn on to examine the relationship between labor force status & political attitudes regarding welfare among citizens of 4 welfare states -- Australia, West Germany, Norway, & the US. Each state is categorized according to the typology developed by Gosta Esping-Anderson (1990), & the functioning of each welfare regime is compared. Specific attitudes of the general public in each toward inequality, egalitarianism, redistribution, & the government's role are explored, comparing the opinions of "insiders" (the employed) with "outsiders" (the unemployed). It is found that attitudinal differences between these labor force groups differ by welfare state regime, & diminish if social class is controlled. Implications for welfare state policy are discussed. 4 Tables, 50 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

This handbook provides readers with up-to-date knowledge on environmental movements and activism and is a reference point for international work in the field. It offers an assessment of environmental movements in different regions of the world, macrostructural conditions and processes underlying their mobilization, the microstructural and social-psychological dimensions of environmental movements and activism, and current trends, as well as prospects for environmental movements and social change.
The handbook provides critical reviews and appraisals of the current state of the art and future development of conceptual and theoretical approaches as well as empirical knowledge and understanding of environmental movements and activism. It encourages dialogue across the disciplinary barriers between social movement studies and other perspectives and reflects upon the causes and consequences of citizens' participation in environmental movements and activities. The volume brings historical studies of environmentalism, sociological analyses of the social composition of participants in and sympathizers of environmental movements, investigations by political scientists on the conditions and processes underlying environmental movements and activism, and other disciplinary inquiries together, while keeping a clear focus within social movement theory and research as the main lines of inquiry.
The handbook is an essential guide and reference point not only for researchers but also for undergraduate and graduate teaching and for policymakers and activists.

Examines possible causal mechanisms in the relationship between television and political behavior and attitudes; US. Time replacement, dimensions of watching TV, TV variables, effect on attitudes, political efficacy, and "mean world syndrome".

First paragraph: There is increasing interest in the political participation and representation of religious and ethnic minorities in Europe (Bird, Saalfeld, and Wüst 2010, Benbassa 2011, Givens and Maxwell 2012, Neilsen 2013). While in many countries this is quite a new topic, such research in Britain actually dates back to the early 1970s. This can firstly be explained by the settlement of large numbers of migrants from its former colonies in the immediate post-war period which meant that issues of immigration, race and ethnicity became prominent relatively early. Also, unlike other European countries which denied voting rights to migrants, many of those arriving in Britain had full political rights as either citizens of the UK or Commonwealth citizens. It was in this context that Muhammad Anwar started his research on political participation amongst minorities in Britain by firstly monitoring the participation of Asians in Rochdale in the parliamentary by-election of 1972 and then participation by all ethnic minorities during the 1974 general election (Anwar and Kohler 1975). His work has been crucial in our understanding of this phenomenon and it is fitting that his foreward begins this current volume. Other important landmarks in this field include works by Anthony Messina (1989), Shamit Saggar (1991) and Andrew Geddes (1995).

International organisations assert that political corruption is a major global problem. However, it is still unclear how to combat corruption. Previous research has studied corruption in central or local governments, rarely in regional ones. In this paper, we aim to identify factors influencing political corruption in regional governments. Using panel data, we analyse the statistical association between 29 economic, financial, political and socioeconomic variables and the corruption perceived by citizens, from January 2006 to September 2019. The results reveal that perceived political corruption is affected by government spending and ideological distance, among other factors. We propose several measures to reduce political corruption. Points for practitioners The study has found that political corruption needs to be combatted through different measures for each administrative level. Our results support the idea that the following variables influence the perceived level of corruption within the regional governments: the volume of government borrowing, the ideological distance between the voter and the government, the percentage electoral participation and the volume of dependent and immigrant population of the region. Likewise, we also confirm that regional governments with higher values on the Quality of Government Index are perceived as less corrupt.

PART I. NURTURING: Known city -- Lonely cradles -- From minors to citizens -- PART II. VOICE: Wishes of the community -- Big ideas in small places -- PART III. CHOICE: Reaching mutual understanding -- Promoting human development -- PART IV. ACTION: Educating our community -- Inspiring our community -- Looking back to move forward.

Non-elected actors, such as non-governmental organizations and celebrity activists, present themselves as representatives of others to audiences of decision-makers, such as state leaders, the European Union, the United Nations, and the World Trade Organization. These actors are increasingly included in the deliberation and decision-making processes of such institutions. To take one well-known example, the non-governmental organization, Oxfam, presses decision-makers and governments for fair trade rules on behalf of the world's poor. What entitles such 'self-appointed representatives' to speak and act for the poor? As The Economist asked, 'Who elected Oxfam?'. Montanaro claims that such actors can, and should, be conceptualized as representatives, and that they can - though do not always - represent others in a manner that we can recognize as democratic. However, in order to do so, we must stretch our imaginations beyond the standard normative framework of elections