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Endringer i diplomatrollen
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 448-451
ISSN: 0020-577X
Discusses how the role of diplomats has changed remarkably since the early 1980's and how this change was accelerated by the fall of the Soviet Union and the expansion of the internet. Back in the 1980s, a diplomat had to understand French and spent most of his time as an observer with an ambassador plenipotentiary. In 2010, the diplomat seldom dresses in a suit and carries often an activist role between private parties and governments. L. Pitkaniemi
Problemer i nordisk historieforskning: rapporter til det Nordiske historikermøte i Bergen 1964
In: Scandinavian university books
Hvordan sikres en rimelig mandatfordeling?
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 107, Heft 1, S. 61-70
ISSN: 0039-0747
Jorgen Elklit critiques Nils O. Erlandsson's (2005) essay on mandate distribution methods & the general election process in Sweden, comparing Erlandsson's work with other existing material on the subject to conclude that Erlandsson has not sufficiently familiarized himself with these materials. Erlandsson replies to Elklit, reiterating his line of reasoning. Elklit responds to Erlandsson's reply. References. C. Brunski
Dalit mellom kaste og demokrati
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 199-220
ISSN: 0020-577X
BRITISK MIDDLEKLASSE FLYTTER DE POLITISKE GRENSEMERKENE
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 4, S. 84-90
ISSN: 0020-577X
The rebirth of the Liberal Party (LP), which has taken place in recent yrs in GB, can be explained, according to certain experts, by the upheaval in pol'al life due to the revolt of the Mc's Mc's against the 2 major parties. The Conservatives are decadent with power, but their decline has not profited the worker. This phenomenon has its roots in the evolution of the society. About 1890, a rupture in the core of the LP occurred which was followed by the replacement of the LP by the Labor Party after 1920. After a new 30 yr cycle the line of separation between the major tendencies of British pol'al life is again a question. In effect, the Laborites have realized their program after 1945 & are therefore in a defensive position. The Conservatives have not made an issue of the Welfare State & have tended to be pol'ly moderate. However, the effect of the soc reforms has been to increase the numbers of the Mc while reducing the standard of living of the wealthy & improving that of the Wc. This Mc is not satisfied with the programs of the major parties, as has been demonstrated by various minor elections & opinion polls. However, it must be remembered that the voters behave differently in general elections than they do in minor elections. Be that as it may, the possibility of a Parliament without a majority, & with some 40 or so LP members making the diff between the 2 major parties, must not be ignored as an eventuality in the near future. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
UTVIKLINGSTENDENSER I U. S. A.'S VELGERSKARE
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 4, S. 90-96
ISSN: 0020-577X
Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
Tenketankenes rolle i amerikansk politikk
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, S. 367-391
ISSN: 0020-577X
The role of think tanks in American politics has been increasingly subjected to systematic analysis over the last 10-15 years. In this article I review some of this literature, focusing mainly on the questions of what think tanks are, why this phenomenon is so strongly associated with the US, & what influence think tanks have on US policy-making. Think tanks comprise a wide range of organizations, from pure research institutions to the ideologically-based "advocacy think tanks" characterized by their combination of a strong political agenda & aggressive marketing techniques. The American political system has several features that allow think tanks access to the decision-making process, such as a fragmented structure with a weak party system, a central role for the mass media, & an issue-dominated political agenda. There is no good measure of the general influence of think tanks in US politics, but case studies indicate that the central role of the ideologically-based advocacy think tanks may serve to undermine the role of experts in American politics in the long term. References. Adapted from the source document.
Partistyre, folkestyre og amerikansk eksepsjonalisme i presidentvalget 2008
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 423-433
ISSN: 0020-577X
The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby
Statsborgerskapsdebatt in Norge og Tyskland
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 199-212
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article compares the Norwegian & the German political debate on changes to the respective countries' citizenship laws. The Norwegian law will come into force in September 2006, while the German law was introduced in 2000. In citizenship laws we can find a contrast between an ethnic & cultural understanding of political community & a rights-based understanding. This contrast was hardly touched upon in the Norwegian debate. Among the Norwegian political parties there was broad agreement to carry on with the principle of ethnic decent. Moreover, all parties, with an exception of the Socialist Left Party (SV), wanted to introduce more restrictions on the established Norwegian practice to accept dual citizenship. The German debate dealt with the contrasting principles, & the conflict followed the left/right cleavages. The main difference found between the two countries refers to the left parties. Both with regard to the principle of ethnic decent/territorial principle & the acceptance of dual citizenship, the Social Democrats in Norway & Germany presented opposite standpoints. References. Adapted from the source document.
BRITISK POLITIK ER BLITT ANVENDT PSYKOLOGI
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 4, S. 80-85
ISSN: 0020-577X
If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
Omverdenen som utfordring - imperieopplosning og folkestyrets begrensning
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 338-365
ISSN: 0020-577X