Most international agreements on the rights of suffrage and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights hold that universal and equal suffrage is a key component of a democratic society. Apart from that, different nations have distinct electoral regulations governing the ability of prisoners to vote. Most of the states have adopted laws, forbidding the right to vote and be elected while in prison. Prisoner disenfranchisement is a topic of academic debate. Many scholars discuss whether voting should be considered as a right, or as a privilege granted by the state. Some critics argue that prisoner disenfranchisement is a form of double jeopardy or the breach of the non bis in idem rule. More specifically, these laws continually punish individuals for crimes that they have already served time for. Questions arise over whether the state has a legitimate interest in denying the right to vote and be elected to those who have manifested a fundamental antipathy to the laws of the state. Convicted felons also raise questions about morality and their ability to vote responsibly. The main purpose of this article is to find out whether the political rights can be restricted on the ground of the prison sentence. The findings partially support hypothesis that incarceration can be the reason for curtailing the political rights. The principle of universal suffrage is not absolute. International and regional documents on the rights of suffrage gives a room for implied limitations and states' legislatures must be allowed a margin of appreciation in this sphere. The margin in this area is wide, however the decision to curtail the rights of any groups or categories of the general population, such as convicted prisoners, must be 1) proportional; 2) in the pursuit of a legitimate aim; 3) reasonable. Most of the foreign tribunals hold that prison disenfranchisement laws are constitutional and justified. [.]
Most international agreements on the rights of suffrage and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights hold that universal and equal suffrage is a key component of a democratic society. Apart from that, different nations have distinct electoral regulations governing the ability of prisoners to vote. Most of the states have adopted laws, forbidding the right to vote and be elected while in prison. Prisoner disenfranchisement is a topic of academic debate. Many scholars discuss whether voting should be considered as a right, or as a privilege granted by the state. Some critics argue that prisoner disenfranchisement is a form of double jeopardy or the breach of the non bis in idem rule. More specifically, these laws continually punish individuals for crimes that they have already served time for. Questions arise over whether the state has a legitimate interest in denying the right to vote and be elected to those who have manifested a fundamental antipathy to the laws of the state. Convicted felons also raise questions about morality and their ability to vote responsibly. The main purpose of this article is to find out whether the political rights can be restricted on the ground of the prison sentence. The findings partially support hypothesis that incarceration can be the reason for curtailing the political rights. The principle of universal suffrage is not absolute. International and regional documents on the rights of suffrage gives a room for implied limitations and states' legislatures must be allowed a margin of appreciation in this sphere. The margin in this area is wide, however the decision to curtail the rights of any groups or categories of the general population, such as convicted prisoners, must be 1) proportional; 2) in the pursuit of a legitimate aim; 3) reasonable. Most of the foreign tribunals hold that prison disenfranchisement laws are constitutional and justified. [.]
Most international agreements on the rights of suffrage and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights hold that universal and equal suffrage is a key component of a democratic society. Apart from that, different nations have distinct electoral regulations governing the ability of prisoners to vote. Most of the states have adopted laws, forbidding the right to vote and be elected while in prison. Prisoner disenfranchisement is a topic of academic debate. Many scholars discuss whether voting should be considered as a right, or as a privilege granted by the state. Some critics argue that prisoner disenfranchisement is a form of double jeopardy or the breach of the non bis in idem rule. More specifically, these laws continually punish individuals for crimes that they have already served time for. Questions arise over whether the state has a legitimate interest in denying the right to vote and be elected to those who have manifested a fundamental antipathy to the laws of the state. Convicted felons also raise questions about morality and their ability to vote responsibly. The main purpose of this article is to find out whether the political rights can be restricted on the ground of the prison sentence. The findings partially support hypothesis that incarceration can be the reason for curtailing the political rights. The principle of universal suffrage is not absolute. International and regional documents on the rights of suffrage gives a room for implied limitations and states' legislatures must be allowed a margin of appreciation in this sphere. The margin in this area is wide, however the decision to curtail the rights of any groups or categories of the general population, such as convicted prisoners, must be 1) proportional; 2) in the pursuit of a legitimate aim; 3) reasonable. Most of the foreign tribunals hold that prison disenfranchisement laws are constitutional and justified. [.]
The article addresses the impact of public administration reforms carried out during the economic crisis on human rights in Lithuania, with a special focus on the right to appropriate conditions of detention. The impact, in this field, of the reforms aimed at improving the quality of legislation, attracting private investments, and reducing administrative costs is examined. It is demonstrated that the expected positive impact of these reforms on the conditions of detention has in practice been limited. The question of a possible impact of these reforms on the complaints filed by convicts deprived of their liberty and respective judicial decisions is also addressed paying special attention to the problem of the amount of compensation as well as broader questions on the link between the economic resources of the state and the amount of compensation for inappropriate conditions of detention.
The article addresses the impact of public administration reforms carried out during the economic crisis on human rights in Lithuania, with a special focus on the right to appropriate conditions of detention. The impact, in this field, of the reforms aimed at improving the quality of legislation, attracting private investments, and reducing administrative costs is examined. It is demonstrated that the expected positive impact of these reforms on the conditions of detention has in practice been limited. The question of a possible impact of these reforms on the complaints filed by convicts deprived of their liberty and respective judicial decisions is also addressed paying special attention to the problem of the amount of compensation as well as broader questions on the link between the economic resources of the state and the amount of compensation for inappropriate conditions of detention.
The article addresses the impact of public administration reforms carried out during the economic crisis on human rights in Lithuania, with a special focus on the right to appropriate conditions of detention. The impact, in this field, of the reforms aimed at improving the quality of legislation, attracting private investments, and reducing administrative costs is examined. It is demonstrated that the expected positive impact of these reforms on the conditions of detention has in practice been limited. The question of a possible impact of these reforms on the complaints filed by convicts deprived of their liberty and respective judicial decisions is also addressed paying special attention to the problem of the amount of compensation as well as broader questions on the link between the economic resources of the state and the amount of compensation for inappropriate conditions of detention.
The article addresses the impact of public administration reforms carried out during the economic crisis on human rights in Lithuania, with a special focus on the right to appropriate conditions of detention. The impact, in this field, of the reforms aimed at improving the quality of legislation, attracting private investments, and reducing administrative costs is examined. It is demonstrated that the expected positive impact of these reforms on the conditions of detention has in practice been limited. The question of a possible impact of these reforms on the complaints filed by convicts deprived of their liberty and respective judicial decisions is also addressed paying special attention to the problem of the amount of compensation as well as broader questions on the link between the economic resources of the state and the amount of compensation for inappropriate conditions of detention.
The aim of this article is to discuss the influence of historicism on political philosophy which was revealed by Leo Strauss. The paper deals with links between historicism, modern political philosophy, and political science. Reasons are explicated for historicist elimination from scientific discourse of the main problems of classical political philosophy: justice, natural right, best political regime. The paper discusses the main ideas of historicism, which political science absorbed, and Strauss`s exposed contradictions of historicism, its inability to prove consistently the narrowness of philosophical thinking or the reliability of historicist attitude. Political science also becomes self-contradictory as much as it uses historicist approach.
The aim of this article is to discuss the influence of historicism on political philosophy which was revealed by Leo Strauss. The paper deals with links between historicism, modern political philosophy, and political science. Reasons are explicated for historicist elimination from scientific discourse of the main problems of classical political philosophy: justice, natural right, best political regime. The paper discusses the main ideas of historicism, which political science absorbed, and Strauss`s exposed contradictions of historicism, its inability to prove consistently the narrowness of philosophical thinking or the reliability of historicist attitude. Political science also becomes self-contradictory as much as it uses historicist approach.
The aim of this article is to discuss the influence of historicism on political philosophy which was revealed by Leo Strauss. The paper deals with links between historicism, modern political philosophy, and political science. Reasons are explicated for historicist elimination from scientific discourse of the main problems of classical political philosophy: justice, natural right, best political regime. The paper discusses the main ideas of historicism, which political science absorbed, and Strauss`s exposed contradictions of historicism, its inability to prove consistently the narrowness of philosophical thinking or the reliability of historicist attitude. Political science also becomes self-contradictory as much as it uses historicist approach.
The aim of this article is to discuss the influence of historicism on political philosophy which was revealed by Leo Strauss. The paper deals with links between historicism, modern political philosophy, and political science. Reasons are explicated for historicist elimination from scientific discourse of the main problems of classical political philosophy: justice, natural right, best political regime. The paper discusses the main ideas of historicism, which political science absorbed, and Strauss`s exposed contradictions of historicism, its inability to prove consistently the narrowness of philosophical thinking or the reliability of historicist attitude. Political science also becomes self-contradictory as much as it uses historicist approach.
The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.
The study of problems that are associated with the realization of human rights and freedoms is always relevant since their implementation affects the immediate vital interests of the individual. A special role is played by ensuring human rights and freedoms, mechanisms and procedures for their protection, that is corresponding positive and negative obligations of the state. We believe that civil and political rights of a person, usually characterized as negative rights, cannot be ensured only by negative obligations of the state. To ensure them, States still need to assume corresponding positive obligations, the proper fulfillment of which directly affects the effectiveness of ensuring guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. In this regard the study of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights is relevant. The object of the master's work is public relations that arise in connection with the implementation of positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of European Union law. The purpose of the master's work is to analyze the peculiarities of the positive obligations of the states of the European Union in the field of ensuring political and civil rights at the international level and the level of the European Union law. Tasks of the master's work: 1) to analyze the sources of the main political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union; 2) to characterize the system and content of basic political and civil rights; 3) to give a definition and to consider the ratio of positive and negative obligations of states; 4) to give a definition and to characterize the scope of application of the positive obligations of a state in the field of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens under the European Convention; 5) to analyze the problem of ensuring the political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union and their judicial protection; 6) to determine the responsibility of states for violation of obligations in the field of human rights protection in European law. There were used dialectical, historical methods, the methods of formal logic, the comparative legal method, the system method and other methods of cognition. The sources of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union have been established. Among them there are the documents adopted before the creation of the European Union and the documents of the European Union. The problem of the implementation of modern legal standards in the field of human rights has been revealed. The system and content of the basic political and civil rights of citizens of the European Union are considered. The ratio of positive and negative obligations of states is considered. It has been revealed that not only negative, but also positive obligations of states are required to ensure negative rights. The specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights are considered, the examples are supported by judicial practice. It has been revealed that the state has a triad of obligations in the field of human rights: obligations to respect, obligations to provide and obligations to protect. The principle of the responsibility to protect includes the following obligations: the obligation to prevent; the obligation to respond; the obligation to recover. Some scholars add the obligation to punish the guilty. It has been established that the responsibility of a state for harsh and massive violations of human rights arises before the international community as a whole. On this basis all states can demand the cessation of these violations and the provision of appropriate compensation to their victims making appropriate claims against the violating state. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it is a complex scientific work, in which a theoretical study of the relationship between positive and negative obligations of states is carried out, as well as specific positive obligations of states to ensure civil and political rights. The master's work can be useful to researchers, lecturers, lawyers and students.
Nowadays information and communication technologies plays an increasingly role in all the fields of the life. This concerns changes in the systems of mass media and political communication as well. The main role in political communication belongs to the mass media so for this reason it is very important to analyse its impact and transformations. In my master thesis I am exploring political press in Lithuanian political communication. Usually political communication is analysed as application of political marketing and political advertising during political campaigns. Objective of the diploma thesis is political press in Lithuanian political communication. The aim of the work is to detect tendencies of evolution of the political communication and party press, its impact to political daily agenda, peciuliarity of political participation in the governance. I reached the aim of the work by analysing theoretical and historical context of the political communication and political press, tendencies of evolution, role of the mass media in formulating opinion for publics. In the first part of the thesis I analysed theory of the political communication, roles of the mass media as the mediator of communication between the government and society. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to specify the role of the political parties in the structure of governance, its specifics. As well as to answer how it influences every day life of the society. Big part of the second part of the thesis is dedicated to the historian aspects of the Lithuanian political press. During the first years of the Lithuanian independence political press played one of the main roles in democratic processes of the state. The third part of the paper is set for the practical research of the political press. Three main political parties, representing left, centre and right wings were interviewed about their communication strategies, relations with the mass media and usage of their own political press. Today we face the paradox of decreasing role of the traditional institutions of the political parties. While the number of communication channels are increasing unregulated and commercialized mass media is emerging. Political parties are induced to compete with the mass media channels on formulating political agenda. Earlier political press played the big role in political communications of the parties but today, mainly due to the big financial and human resources expenditures, it is decreasing and alternative forms of communication are appearing. This paper can be useful for media, journalists, political parties' officials, who are responsible for the political communication, as well as for students who are interested in the political communication and mass media studies.
Nowadays information and communication technologies plays an increasingly role in all the fields of the life. This concerns changes in the systems of mass media and political communication as well. The main role in political communication belongs to the mass media so for this reason it is very important to analyse its impact and transformations. In my master thesis I am exploring political press in Lithuanian political communication. Usually political communication is analysed as application of political marketing and political advertising during political campaigns. Objective of the diploma thesis is political press in Lithuanian political communication. The aim of the work is to detect tendencies of evolution of the political communication and party press, its impact to political daily agenda, peciuliarity of political participation in the governance. I reached the aim of the work by analysing theoretical and historical context of the political communication and political press, tendencies of evolution, role of the mass media in formulating opinion for publics. In the first part of the thesis I analysed theory of the political communication, roles of the mass media as the mediator of communication between the government and society. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to specify the role of the political parties in the structure of governance, its specifics. As well as to answer how it influences every day life of the society. Big part of the second part of the thesis is dedicated to the historian aspects of the Lithuanian political press. During the first years of the Lithuanian independence political press played one of the main roles in democratic processes of the state. The third part of the paper is set for the practical research of the political press. Three main political parties, representing left, centre and right wings were interviewed about their communication strategies, relations with the mass media and usage of their own political press. Today we face the paradox of decreasing role of the traditional institutions of the political parties. While the number of communication channels are increasing unregulated and commercialized mass media is emerging. Political parties are induced to compete with the mass media channels on formulating political agenda. Earlier political press played the big role in political communications of the parties but today, mainly due to the big financial and human resources expenditures, it is decreasing and alternative forms of communication are appearing. This paper can be useful for media, journalists, political parties' officials, who are responsible for the political communication, as well as for students who are interested in the political communication and mass media studies.
