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The relation between the working of democratic systems today and the exploitation of "modern" forms of politically motivated extreme violence, especially the different types of subversive terrorism, has been an object of thorough study and discussion at most varied levels in the course of recent decades, often with contradictory results. This is not a surprise bearing in mind the diversity of bases for such study and discussion, as well as the complexity and changing nature of the subject matter itself, and last but not least, also the deforming impact of different political factors which in many a case predetermined both the horizon of discussions and the character of "politically correct" or at least acceptable conclusions. This does not apply just to decayed political and propagandist writings displaying a remarkable dose of cynicism and lack of shame in serving the interests of power which decided who would be labelled "terrorist" or "freedom fighter", or else. There is a number of scientific works defending the principles and values of democracy which also display apparent effort to a priori exclude raising a particular problem in full in order to prevent any doubt being cast on the purposefulness and justifiability of traditional approaches to and standpoints regarding the assessment of political violence and extremism. At the same time, polemics regarding terrorism had a large impact. Discussions about terrorism changed the way the public felt about both terrorism as a particular category of extremist violence, and politically motivated violence and extremism as such, propagating and reinforcing the view of political violence (acceptance of violent methods of political fight including terrorism) as an utterly undemocratic and anti-democratic behaviour and as a key characteristic of extremism. There is a growing tendency in substantial part of the public in democratic countries today to a priori associate manifestations of extremist orientation with acts of politically motivated violence, and to identify ...

A review essay on a book by John Keane, Violence and Democracy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2004). References.

The article aims to review the political developments in African states throughout their recent post-colonial past. Uprooting political violence & anchoring a stable structure based on a society-wide consensus being just two of the several prerequisites for solving so many other problems which trouble Africa today, this article aims to diagnose at least some root causes & consequences of the generally unsatisfactory political situation on the continent. Having identified a set of political instability symptoms (coups d'etat, civil wars, failed putches etc.) the author first ranks African states according to their political instability rate. On the basis of statistical correlation analysis, the author then investigates the relation between political instability in Africa & a number of quantifiable geographical, demographical, military & economic variables. The author has identified some dispositions increasing -- though with only small statistical significance -- the probability of instability in African states. In order of importance, these include: large territory, high illiteracy rate, low urbanization, high number of ethnic groups living within the territory, & large population. Also, there is a close link between political instability & governmental military spending. It probably has a negative impact on a number of key economic indicators, be it GDP growth, GDP per capita levels, domestic savings, or price level developments. In the final part of his article, the author makes a brief summary of political developments in African countries in the 21st century. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The presented article aims to answer the question of what the future of militant Islamism in Somalia will look like after the defeat of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). This will be done by analyzing the roots of this phenomenon. Operationalization is based on the violent non-state actor model, as defined by Thomas, Kiser & Casebeer. Next, the most important actors in contemporary Somalia regarding militant Islam will be presented. The Manwaring paradigm will be used to help us understand the success of the UIC. The findings will then be extrapolated into the future to resolve the original analytical question. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the relations between two different cultures existing within one state: the dominant culture is continental France & the peripheral one is the insular society of Corsica. This article reviews the historical background of the problem in France & subsequently analyzes the response of the administrative center to the Corsican independence struggle. Regarding the cultural, historical & political differences, the distinct experiences of these two cultures, the collective identity of the Corsican community & the institutionalization of its ethnic-regional representatives, the situation can be described as a center-periphery cleavage. The Corsican society -- asking for autonomy within the state or even for separation -- faces the domination of the administrative center. This independence struggle originates within the community, which is the reason why the dominant culture has several times modified its strategy for dealing with the demands & violence of Corsican patriots. The analysis illustrates the power & the limits of the independence struggle of this small island that is still economically dependent on France. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.