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This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election. ; This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election.

This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election. ; This article analyses the Brexit debate within the UK. It examines the historical roots of the debate from 1973 when the UK joined the European Economic Community, but focuses primarily on the debates that occurred between 2013 when David Cameron pledged to hold a referendum up and the 2019 UK General Election. Section one briefly introduces the topic. Section two examines the rise of social hatred during the referendum campaign. It focuses on the history of British euro-scepticism, the immediate context of the Brexit campaign, concerns over UK sovereignty and immigration, and the increasing use of threats and political violence. Section three examines the decline of trust in politics due to the increasing failure to challenge lies in the Brexit debate. It explores the idea of "Project Fear", the anti-expert narrative, and the anti-elitism narrative. Section four asks what this period tells us about UK democracy. It focuses on weak and disorderly government, the democratic status of the referendum, the erosion of trust in parliamentary institutions and mechanisms, and some reasons for (limited) optimism. The article concludes by considering possible ways forward for the UK government and polity following the decisive Conservative victory in the 2019 UK General Election.

Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security.

Delegitimization of the political system could be a strong factor leading to disruptions of the social and political order, including political violence. In order to measure the potential of this phenomenon an original measurement tool was created. The tool is based on the concept of ideal types and empirical types introduced by Max Weber and Georg Jellinek. Quantitative empirical data was provided by the Polish General Election Study (2011). Using this data, analyses of intergroup differences of selected sociodemographic and psychographic variables were carried out. The following groups emerged from the analyses: legitimizing the political system, ambivalent towards the political system, delegitimizing the political system (completely or incompletely), and several groups of moderate potential to delegitimize (for instance people rejecting democracy, but expressing satisfaction with the institutional aspects of its functioning in political practice). The gathered results confirm a moderate but noticeable potential for delegitimization of the Polish democracy; several extracted social categories may be a potential threat to internal security.

The aim of this article is to present the course of the Velvet Revolution in Slovakia in the period from 17 to 29 November 1989 and to show the similarities and differences between the two movements: Civic Forum and Society Against Violence. The study is based on several assumptions. Unlike the Civic Forum in the Czech Republic, the Society Against Violence was a broad movement with a very decentralised structure, led by individuals who had no organisational experience. Secondly, the main goal of the Society Against Violence was to control power and thus it was more of a civic initiative than a political one. Thirdly, a number of differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence determined the fact that it was not possible to create a single Czechoslovak political elite. In the study, the comparative method was applied in order to indicate similarities and differences between the Civic Forum and the Society Against Violence. To analyse the political reality in Slovakia in November 1989, the decision analysis method was applied. The article uses archival materials, documents and scientific studies.

The paper is an attempt to analyze the marketing activities of selected candidates running for office in the local authorities of the Opolskie Region in 2010. A large proportion of these candidates implemented the Machiavellian principle that the end justifies the means, and they tried to win power, almost trampling over corpses, using all available methods to succeed. Niccolò Machiavelli, the author of The Prince, argued five centuries earlier that the good of state justifies ruses, cruelty and violence. The present face of political Machiavellianism is different, as many people value power itself rather than the good of the state or region. As a result, voters observe a political farce under the official name of an election campaign. The local government campaign in the Opolskie Region in 2010 reminded a political circus with a number of pseudo-events keenly reported by the media, instead of real content that could give potential voters an idea of what the candidates had to offer. Some tried to win voters feeding them with sweets, others cleared snow from pavements in the middle of winter, yet others paid those who promised to vote for them. The latter are probably still suffering from post-election hiccups, as they will have to explain this electoral corruption in court. ; The paper is an attempt to analyze the marketing activities of selected candidates running for office in the local authorities of the Opolskie Region in 2010. A large proportion of these candidates implemented the Machiavellian principle that the end justifies the means, and they tried to win power, almost trampling over corpses, using all available methods to succeed. Niccolò Machiavelli, the author of The Prince, argued five centuries earlier that the good of state justifies ruses, cruelty and violence. The present face of political Machiavellianism is different, as many people value power itself rather than the good of the state or region. As a result, voters observe a political farce under the official name of an election campaign. The local government campaign in the Opolskie Region in 2010 reminded a political circus with a number of pseudo-events keenly reported by the media, instead of real content that could give potential voters an idea of what the candidates had to offer. Some tried to win voters feeding them with sweets, others cleared snow from pavements in the middle of winter, yet others paid those who promised to vote for them. The latter are probably still suffering from post-election hiccups, as they will have to explain this electoral corruption in court.

Following the case of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, the Pandora's Box was opened: pits filled with bodies, corruption, impunity and institutional weakness of a state where politicians, police and authorities at all three government levels have been infiltrated by the organized crime. In Mexico, corruption and drug trafficking are common and the economic reforms are not enough if they do not go together with an effective program of combating corruption and the society is not the main beneficiary of the reforms.This article will explain the background of the Ayotzinapa case, the characteristics of the Mexican political system that allow cases like Ayotzinapa, the consequences of the fight against organized crime launched by ex-President Felipe Calderon, the behavior of a sleeping civil society tired of the reduced economic results and where the state does not have the monopoly of the authority and does not guarantee security.

Following the case of the disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students, the Pandora's Box was opened: pits filled with bodies, corruption, impunity and institutional weakness of a state where politicians, police and authorities at all three government levels have been infiltrated by the organized crime. In Mexico, corruption and drug trafficking are common and the economic reforms are not enough if they do not go together with an effective program of combating corruption and the society is not the main beneficiary of the reforms.This article will explain the background of the Ayotzinapa case, the characteristics of the Mexican political system that allow cases like Ayotzinapa, the consequences of the fight against organized crime launched by ex-President Felipe Calderon, the behavior of a sleeping civil society tired of the reduced economic results and where the state does not have the monopoly of the authority and does not guarantee security.

The paper is an attempt to analyze the marketing activities of selected candidates running for office in the local authorities of the Opolskie Region in 2010. A large proportion of these candidates implemented the Machiavellian principle that the end justifies the means, and they tried to win power, almost trampling over corpses, using all available methods to succeed. Niccol ò Machiavelli, the author of The Prince argued five centuries earlier that the good of state justifies ruses, cruelty and violence. The present face of political Machiavellianism is different, as many people value power itself rather than the good of the state or region. As a result, voters observe a political farce under the official name of an election campaign. The local government campaign in the Opolskie Region in 2010 reminded a political circus with a number of pseudo-events keenly reported by the media, instead of real content that could give potential voters an idea of what the candidates had to offer. Some tried to win voters feeding them with sweets, others cleared snow from pavements in the middle of winter, yet others paid those who promised to vote for them. The latter are probably still suffering from post-election hiccups, as they will have to explain this electoral corruption in court.

Terrorism is defined as use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to indulge fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, social or religious. Bioterrorism is terrorism by intentional release or dissemination of biological agents, mainly bacteria or viruses. Use of biological weapons is attractive from the terrorists' point of view because of low production costs, major range and easiness of transmission. The first mention of the use of primitive biological weapons date back to the 6th century. Use of plague-infested corpses as offensive means in the 14th century caused a spread of bubonic plague through the whole Europe. The biggest development of biological weapons took place in the interwar period and in the cold war era. Biological weapon trails and research were conducted by super powers such as USSR, UK, USA and Japan. At the beginning of the 20th century a new form of bioterrorism occurred, which put humanity in the face of a terrifying threat.

The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes. ; The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

In this article I make a critical analysis of educational policy in Poland during the 25 years of the political transformation. I try to refer to the Polish thoughts and practices of teaching experience in the period of 1918--1948. What is more, I present experiences of anti-socialist opposition during the socialist period. They influenced on impression in the works and commitments of many scientists and a new generation of academics. Furthermore, I indicate how my generation after 1989 went into the road of scientific autonomy and/or independence in the field of government and private education. Benchmark for these analyzes build up the hopes which we tied up with the Polish revolution of non- violence. Moreover, there was a strong disappointment, which revealed over the years due to the departure of distinctive political formation of the Third Republic of the ideals and the phenomenon of Polish "Solidarity" movement, and civil society, which included the move away from the base of participatory democracy. Finally, I look at how education as a science and practice of education fit into democratization of the Polish state and society. The key meaning for me has the perception of education as a common good, as environments and entities, institutions or management practices which participate in the democratic society. To sum up, this society is constantly in the period of recovery from years of experience not only fascist, but Bolshevik totalitarianism, too.