Restitution over coffee: truth, reconciliation, and environmental violence in East Timor
In: Political geography, Band 22, Heft 6, S. 677-702
ISSN: 0962-6298
In: Political geography, Band 22, Heft 6, S. 677-702
ISSN: 0962-6298
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 224-225
ISSN: 1537-5927
1. VETERANS FOR PEACE, Inc. Portland, Maine Second Annual Convention 1987 Veterans For Peace was founded in 1985 to create positive political pressure for peaceful American-international cooperation on world issues. A national, state, and local organization, members meet at regional and city conferences to discuss current affairs. For example, Veterans For Peace have met to denounce the Iraq war, the USA Patriot Act, and the war on terror as unconstitutional. Currently, the Veterans Truth Project relates the stories of soldiers returning from the Iraq war to help re-connect veterans to their local communities. 2. STUDENTS FOR MONKS Many American students, during the Vietnam War, supported the non-violent war-protests of Vietnamese monks. 3. NON-VIOLENCE IS OUR STRENGTH Cesar Chavez was a labor organizer who led many peaceful labor strikes (and personal hunger strikes) to call attention to migrant workers's wages, pesticide laden grapes, and worker safety. 4. Gus Hall President / Jarvis Tyner Vice-Pres. Peace, Jobs, Freedom vote Communist The American Communist Party supports workers and the environment, and the responsible use of capital. It had its American founding in 1910, but the party declined in the face of political persecutions during the 1950's. However, the party is currently gaining some popular sympathy, especially since it supports all working class people against all forms of national oppression. 5. Free the Shah's Political Prisoners Committee for Artistic and Intellectual Freedom in Iran In 1976, Iranian exiles, with the help of New York intellectuals and graduate students, formed the Committee for Artistic and Intellectual Freedom in Iran. The committee, along with Amnesty International and The International League for Human Rights, put pressure on the Shah's regime to improve human rights in Iran. 6. U.S. BASES OUT OF THE PHILIPINES! Since 1947 the U.S. had operated military training bases in the Philippines under a Military Bases Agreement. In 1991, the Philippine Senate rejected the bases treaty, and ordered the U.S. to convert its bases to civilian use. Subsequently, the U.S. and the Philippines have developed their economic and commercial relations in lieu of military aid. However, the U.S. and the Philippines still maintain a Mutual Defense Treaty. 7. FREEDOM AND PEACE PARTY Founded in 1967, the Peace and Freedom Party is a feminist and socialist political party that advocates the protection of the environment from pollution and nuclear waste. It also opposed the Vietnam War, advocated free universal access to education and health care. Though founded as a national party, it was reconstituted as a Californian party. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/exhibit_buttons/1001/thumbnail.jpg
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In: Socialism and democracy: the bulletin of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 130-139
ISSN: 1745-2635
This book employs the theoretical framework of 'speech act theory' to analyse current legislative frameworks and cases pertaining to sedition or the advocacy of violence and the issue of freedom of speech. An analysis of the relation between speech and action offers a promising way of clarifying confusion over the contested status of speech, which advocates violence as a political strategy. This account reflects an understanding of philosophical issues about both the nature of freedom and speech and how these issues can be applied to concrete legal problems. This approach will shed new light o
In: Routledge studies in crime, security and justice series
"There is, seemingly, little to say about Beckett's politics. Many interviews and memoirs portray a writer peculiarly unqualified for political activity, ill-at-ease with mundane realities, and more comfortable with philosophical abstraction. Some have celebrated his apparent detachment from the political world: notably, on the occasion of Beckett's seventieth birthday, Emil Cioran paid tribute to a figure living 'parallel to time,' gifted with the ability of making others 'understand history as a dimension man could have dispensed with'. Such established consensus, however, flies in the face of abundant evidence to the contrary. Beckett's texts, with their numerous portrayals of violence, torture, dispossession, internment and subjugation, harbour a real political immediacy, while his notebooks, manuscripts and correspondence reveal a fine and astute observer of political symbols, attuned to the long history of political myths in the Irish Free State, Nazi Germany, and France in the aftermath of the Second World War and during the Algerian War of Independence"--
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 97-112
ISSN: 1468-2699
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 7-28
ISSN: 0020-577X
In this article, the 9/11 events are analysed from a gender perspective -- both the terror attacks & the military responses upon them. Gender is shown to be relevant in several aspects, as gendered arguments have been used to justify acts of violence on both sides. Concerning the cultural construction of femininity, women were made invisible in the Western media debate that followed upon the terror attacks. At the same time, Afghan women were constructed as victims & became the alibi for the American military responses to the 9/11 attacks. Further, cultural gender norms of masculinity coloured the American rhetoric that justified the wars in both Afghanistan & Iraq. Finally, the analysis in the article shows how the terror attacks might be interpreted as a way to (re)construct a masculinity men in certain contexts might feel they are entitled to, after an experienced emasculation. The conclusion in the article is that a gender analysis deepens our understanding of the war on terrorism, & at the same time it shows how gender has become a central aspect of global politics. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 381-402
ISSN: 1354-5078
This research adopts Jason Moore's concept of the commodity frontier, which portrays the socio-ecological impacts of capitalist expansion, to analyze the spread of Independent Power Provision in Sub-Saharan Africa. This form of power provision has thus far been under-theorized, especially its impacts on local communities, which must be addressed considering its contemporary popularity in the region. The article uses the concept of 'infrastructural violence' as an analytical lens, drawing upon its language and theories that describe the ways in which physical infrastructures often deemed benign can inflict violence on specific regions and social groups. Using a case study of the Takoradi Thermal Power Station in the Western Region of Ghana, the ethnographic research depicts the subtle yet highly deleterious forms of violence that occur within Aboadze, the small-scale fishing community the power station is embedded in, reducing access to vital resources including food, water and land, as well as the various exclusions that impact the livelihoods of a community already suffering from marginalization and poverty.Keywords: Commodity frontiers, infrastructural violence, power station, Sub-Saharan Africa, Ghana
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This article analyzes the conspiratorial dimensions of Breivik's body of thought. The position is defended that conspiracy theorizing is the discursive mechanism by which the ruling political elite is depicted as a hostile conspiratorial actor that betrays the interests of the true people. As conspiracism also contains an operational spur to urgent, extraordinary or violent action in order to rescue civilization from destruction, it is argued that the conspiratorial dimensions of Breiviks body of thought are an important explanation for his choice to attack the governmental seat of Norway and the youth camp of the Labour Party at the island of Utøya. Finally, it is argued that the performative dimensions resulting from the 'Casting Society' contains the spur for individuals to expose themselves violently to the world as heroes in front of their imagined communities in order to gain notoriety. A close reading of Breivik's manifesto seems to confirm these propositions.
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In: Visnyk Nacional'noho jurydyčnoho universytetu "Jurydyčna akademija Ukraïny imeni Jaroslava Mudroho". Serija filosofija, filosofija prava, politologija, sociologija, Band 4, Heft 47
ISSN: 2663-5704
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 551-577
ISSN: 0022-278X
World Affairs Online
In: Contemporary security studies
This is the first book to offer a comprehensive analysis of the emergence, nature, and function of Serbian paramilitary units during the violent breakup of Yugoslavia. The book investigates the nature and functions of paramilitary units throughout the 1990s, and their ties to the state and President Slobodan Milošević. The work relies on the archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague, which conducted dozens of trials relating to paramilitary violence, and records from judicial proceedings in the region. It discusses how and why certain important paramilitary units emerged, how they functioned and transformed through the decade, what their relationships and entanglements were with the state, the Milošević regime, and organized crime. The study thus investigates the interrelated ideological, political, and social factors and processes, fueling paramilitary engagement, and assesses the impact of this engagement on victims of paramilitary violence and on the state and society for which the units purportedly fought. It argues that coordinated action by a number of state institutions gave rise to paramilitaries tasked with altering borders while maintaining plausible deniability for the sponsoring regime. The outsourcing of violence by the state to paramilitaries led to a significant weakening of the very state these units and their sponsors swore to protect. The book also analyzes differences between the units and how they attacked civilians, arguing that the different forms of violence stemmed not only from the function they fulfilled for the state but also the ways in which they were set up and operated. The final chapter brings the different strands of the argument together into a coherent whole, suggesting avenues for further research, in the former Yugoslavia and beyond. This book will be of much interest to students of ethnic conflict and civil war, war crimes, Balkan politics, and International Relations in general.