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"The story of the Polytechnic and of the legacy of Quintin Hogg is the third publication exploring the University of Westminster's long and diverse history. A fitting tribute to the life and legacy of Hogg, his holistic approach to education and the institute he created. This book is richly illustrated with images from the University's Archive.
A print paperback can be purchased direct from the University of Westminster for £25 following this link: www.westminster.ac.uk/historybooks
Staff, students and alumni can claim a 20% discount on this price."

"The story of the University of Westminster is the fifth volume in a series of titles exploring the University's long and diverse history. This book celebrates the twenty-fifth anniversary of the institution gaining university status, the right to award its own degrees and to participate in publicly funded research. Drawing on extensive research conducted in the University of Westminster Archive this volume investigates the evolution from Polytechnic to University within the broader context of the transformation of UK higher education in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
A print paperback can be purchased direct from the University of Westminster for £20 by following this link: http://www.westminster.ac.uk/historybooks.
Staff, students and alumni can claim a 20% discount on this price."

The aim of the research in this MA by Research thesis has been to shed light on the development of the notion of "management" and its associated "sociometrics" at UK universities. The research looked at the transformation of university operating strategies in England and Wales, with the objective of capturing the various managerial movements from a traditional collegial administrative operating system to a more diverse entrepreneurial model more aligned with contemporary corporate management beliefs. 8 diverse universities were selected for the case-study to provide "colour and contrast" – namely, Oxford and Cambridge as "Ancient" universities, Cardiff and Royal Holloway as "19th Century-Founded" universities, Birmingham to cover the "Red Brick" category, Lancaster to spotlight the so-called "Plate-Glass" universities, Hertfordshire to embrace the "Post-Polytechnic" universities and Open University to include the "E-University" category. The methodology utilized was a triangulated middle-ground approach to examine qualitatively and quantitatively the universities websites, strategic documents, government committee reports, regulations and financial performance information that reflected surplus/deficit results as outcomes for the targeted group. The lessons learned from this investigation showed that these universities modus operandi and performance reflected an ongoing trend of transformation imposed by continuous government regulatory change requirements on the one hand, and most likely also, the changing sector climate in the higher education community in England and Wales. The findings from the research indicate that scholastic writings and the literature have extensively chronicled the movement from 'collegial' administration to academic entrepreneurialism. However, it appears to be an open question as to whether a common corporate strategic wording language had emerged by 2002: though it had basically, by 2012. In both 2002 and 2012 a recognizable core of sociometric wording language was discernible. And finally some slender evidence was uncovered that indicates where substantial effort was put out by the universities in strategic planning, better financial results accrued. Significant contributions to overall knowledge have been uncovered as a result of this thesis research. The movement by UK universities from 'academic collegial administration' to academic entrepreneurialism' has been verified by multiple academic writings. UK universities have developed a measurable increase in the use of common 'strategic sociometric wording' and a greatly increased the use of strategic management and corporatised-wording in their published literature. And lastly, some modest evidence supports a finding that better financial results do appear to have emanated where considerable strategic planning effort was put out.

"In the second half of the nineteenth century, middle-class liberal reformers attempted to ameliorate class tensions, prepare the working classes for citizenship, and improve British industry by reforming working-class secondary and adult education. One feature of their movement was the promotion of working-class travel in Europe and the Empire. In Education, Travel and the 'Civilisation' of the Victorian Working Classes, Michele Strong considers the experiences of working men and women, particularly artisans, but also young apprentices and clerks, who travelled abroad as participants in this reform movement, focusing particularly on the ways in which four overlapping institutions during the Victorian era drew workers into international travel: Thomas Cook and Son (a travel agency); The Working Men's Club and Institute Union (a national organization of clubs intended for rational recreation and cross-class interaction); the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Commerce, and Manufacturers (a quasi-governmental organization); and the London Regent Street Polytechnic (a social and educational institute for young wage earners). Canvassing a broad array of working class and middle class voices culled from diaries, letters, autobiographies, and published reports, Strong argues that working-class educational travel became a battleground for competing notions of citizenship, class, gender, and national identities. "--

"In the second half of the nineteenth century, middle-class liberal reformers attempted to ameliorate class tensions, prepare the working classes for citizenship, and improve British industry by reforming working-class secondary and adult education. One feature of their movement was the promotion of working-class travel in Europe and the Empire. In Education, Travel and the 'Civilisation' of the Victorian Working Classes, Michele Strong considers the experiences of working men and women, particularly artisans, but also young apprentices and clerks, who travelled abroad as participants in this reform movement, focusing particularly on the ways in which four overlapping institutions during the Victorian era drew workers into international travel: Thomas Cook and Son (a travel agency); The Working Men's Club and Institute Union (a national organization of clubs intended for rational recreation and cross-class interaction); the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Commerce, and Manufacturers (a quasi-governmental organization); and the London Regent Street Polytechnic (a social and educational institute for young wage earners). Canvassing a broad array of working class and middle class voices culled from diaries, letters, autobiographies, and published reports, Strong argues that working-class educational travel became a battleground for competing notions of citizenship, class, gender, and national identities."--

Стаття присвячена 25-річчю Народного Руху України за перебудову. Показано протиборство ініціаторів створення цієї першої опозиційної громадсько-політичної організації тоталітарному комуністичному режиму в столиці України і на місцях. Очолили рухівський процес передусім київські письменники та вчені Інституту літератури ім. Т. Г. Шевченка. Попри шалений супротив Компартії в актовому залі Київського політехнічного інституту 8–10 вересня 1989 р. відбувся Установчий з'їзд НРУ. У ньому взяли участь 1109 делегатів, які представляли близько 280 тисяч активних учасників Руху. З'їзд прийняв Статут і Програму Народного Руху України та ще низку актуальних документів. То був перший суттєвий крок у кінці ХХ століття до незалежності України. У 1990 році була прийнята Верховною Радою Декларація про державний суверенітет України, у 1991 році — Акт проголошення незалежності України. У підготовці і прийнятті цих доленосних документів одна з головних заслуг належить НРУ. ; Статья посвящена 25-летию Народного Руха Украины за перестройку. Показано противоборство инициаторов создания этой первой оппозиционной общественно-политической организации тоталитарному коммунистическому режиму в столице Украины и на местах. Возглавили руховский процесс прежде всего киевские писатели и ученые Института литературы им. Т. Г. Шевченко. Несмотря на ожесточенное сопротивление Компартии в актовом зале Киевского политехнического института 8–10 сентября 1989 г. состоялся Учредительный съезд НРУ. В нем приняли участие 1109 делегатов, представлявших около 280 тысяч активных участников Руха. Съезд принял Устав и Программу Народного Руха Украины и еще ряд актуальных документов. Это был первый существенный шаг в конце ХХ века к независимости Украины. В 1990 году была принята Верховной Радой Декларация о государственном суверенитете Украины, в 1991 году — Акт о провозглашении независимости Украины. В подготовке и принятии этих судьбоносных документов одна из главных заслуг принадлежит НРУ. ; This article is devoted to the 25th anniversary of the People's Movement of Ukraine for Perestroika. The author shows confrontation between the initiators of this first oppositional social and political organization and the totalitarian communist regime in the capital of Ukraine and on local levels. The People's Movement was primarily led by Kiev writers and scientists of Shevchenko Institute of Literature. Despite the furious resistance of the Communist Party, the founding congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine was held in the Assembly Hall of the Kiev Polytechnic Institute on 8—10 September in 1989. It was attended by 1109 delegates representing about 280 thousand active participants of the Movement. The congress agreed to the Charter and the Program of the People's Movement of Ukraine and a number of urgent documents. This was the first significant step to the independence of Ukraine in the late twentieth century. The Verkhovna Rada adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine in 1990, and the Act of Declaration of Independence of Ukraine in 1991. The main credit for the preparation and adoption of these crucial documents largely belongs to the People's Movement of Ukraine.

"An intriguing and impressive account of corporate social responsibility-and neoliberalism writ large-on the ground, in action, in chemical plant communities in Louisiana…Ottinger effectively [illustrates] how, in complex, culturally saturated ways, corporate commitment to `responsible care' has created critical challenges for environmental activism and justice." -Kim Fortun, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute Residents of a small Louisiana town were sure that the oil refinery next door was making them sick. As part of a campaign demanding relocation away from the refinery, they collected scientific data to prove it. Their campaign ended with a settlement agreement that addressed many of their grievances-but not concerns about their health. Yet, instead of continuing to collect data, residents began to let refinery scientists' assertions that their operations did not harm them stand without challenge. What makes a community move so suddenly from actively challenging to apparently accepting experts' authority? Refining Expertise argues that the answer rests in the way that refinery scientists and engineers defined themselves as experts. Rather than claiming to be infallible, they began to portray themselves as responsible. This work drives home the need for both activists and politically engaged scholars to reconfigure their own activities in response, in order to advance community health and robust scientific knowledge about it. Gwen Ottinger is Assistant Professor in Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences at the University of Washington-Bothell, where she teaches in the Science, Technology, & Society and Environmental Studies majors. She is co-editor of Technoscience and Environmental Justice: Expert Cultures in a Grassroots Movement..

Julio López Rendueles was part of the group of Spanish exiles who joined the rising University of Oriente, and contributed decisively to the development of this center of high studies and to the revolutionary struggle that was taking place in the nation led by Movement 26 of July. This work shows that, before arriving in Cuba, Professor López Rendueles was a prestigious intellectual and a prominent communist militant, defender of the Spanish Republic. After the triumph of the Revolution he moved to Havana, where he continued to collaborate with the Revolutionary Armed Forces in the creation of Camilo Cienfuegos Military Schools and with the Ministry of Education in the organization of polytechnic teaching and in writing books for the teaching of chemistry, physics and mathematics. ; Julio López Rendueles formó parte del grupo de exiliados españoles que se integraron al claustro de profesores de la naciente Universidad de Oriente, y contribuyeron decisivamente al desarrollo de este centro de altos estudios y a la lucha revolucionaria que se desarrollaba en la nación dirigida por el Movimiento 26 de Julio. Este trabajo demuestra que, antes de llegar a Cuba, el profesor López Rendueles era ya un prestigioso intelectual y un destacado militante comunista, defensor de la República Española. Después del triunfo de la Revolución se trasladó a La Habana, desde donde continuó colaborando con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias en la creación de las Escuelas Militares Camilo Cienfuegos, y con el Ministerio de Educación en la organización de la enseñanza politécnica y en la redacción de textos escolares para la enseñanza de la química, la física y la matemática.

This paper presents a new fitness to drive and driving ability assessment procedure developed by theUniversity Polytechnic of Valencia (Spain) for evaluating severely drivers with impairments whocannot drive a motor vehicle with standard car control adaptations. The objective of this newassessment approach was based on performing a series of practical tests divided into two main phases. The first phase of the assessment utilize a simulator that allows a safe measurement of all thenecessary parameters needed to determine the residual capacities (e.g. forces, torques, displacements,reaction time, etc.) of the driver that can be used for driving a joystick controlled vehicle. Furthermore,driving maneuvers are performed in a controlled way to determine required movement coordination,response times, etc. The SERCO simulator was designed and developed for this purpose as a modular,portable and adaptive experimental tool that allows assessing driver candidates with or without leavingtheir wheelchair using all types of technical aids including joystick controls. The result of this firstassessment phase determines the more appropriate joystick device and space location as a function ofthe driver needs. The second phase of the assessment procedure includes a series of driving ability tests on a closedcircuit. From the information obtained during the assessment in the simulator, the most suitable typeof joystick device is determined for driving safely and the restraint system needed both by the user andthe wheelchair. At this stage it will also be possible to assess the accessibility requirements needed forthe adapted vehicle. Moreover, at this stage a battery of practical tests is performed in a closed circuitwith the vehicle in motion, which follows the recommendations and requirements defined by the EUcurrent legislation for obtaining a driving license (EC, 2006), reproducing vehicle maneuvers as closeto reality as possible. As a result of the described procedure it is possible to ensure that the driver is able to fulfill theminimum requirements for obtaining a driving license. Furthermore, it is possible to determinerequired driving restrictions or limitations, corrective conditions and coding of adaptations accordingto EU legislation.

[EN] This PhD Thesis has been divided into four chapters. The first two have been dedicated to the socio-cultural context that surrounded the designer during his brief career, while the last two have been earmarked for the biographical presentation and projective analysis of Pedro Miralles Claver. The first chapter aims to place the reader in the context of the 80s, through the study and analysis of the social environment in the decade, divided into four conceptual frameworks such as political, economic, social and cultural. A period of incessant changes at all levels, among which we have made special mention of the so-called Movida Madrileña, because it was an important socio-cultural movement that had an important influence on the life and work of the designer under investigation. We have also considered relevant the inclusion of a chapter in which we developed a brief review of the history of design, both nationally and internationally. Areas where it has been highlighted the work of its leading designers and architects from the 70s to the 80s, while we do special emphasis on the different developed aesthetic styles in each period and its corresponding influence in the context artistic each territory. All these aspects, which we understand necessary to understand the cultural environment that preceded and then surrounded Pedro Miralles during the creative process of each of their projects. Then it connects with the third chapter, which is exclusively dedicated to the biography and career of the designer, and it has been presented divided into two main blocks. On the one hand, we move into the personal life of Pedro Miralles. Since her childhood, in which aspects such as some children's achievements and high school grades, and several anecdotes that occurred during his freshman year at the Polytechnic University of Valencia are included. Year to which followed his move to Madrid to complete his degree in architecture, and some of the resulting experiences of the designer during the boom cultural, mentioned ...

[spa] La finalidad de esta tesis doctoral consiste en entender la relación existente entre el alumnado universitario y el movimiento feminista. La agenda feminista es fundamental en la articulación de una sociedad democrática basada en una ciudadanía comprometida con la justicia social. Como la filósofa española Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) indica, "una democracia, cuando funciona, es feminista", y si bien el feminismo ha sido uno de los motores principales del desarrollo democrático, nuestras democracias no son feministas actualmente. Numerosos estudios y publicaciones internacionales muestran que, en general, la juventud educada en las sociedades democráticas no muestra compromiso con el movimiento feminista (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker & Bay-Cheng, 2012; entre otros). En España, sólo el 5,6% de la juventud dice identificarse con este movimiento (CIS, 2014). Con el objetivo de capturar todas estas percepciones en nuestro contexto, hemos diseñado esta investigación. Metodológicamente este estudio se basa en la complementariedad de métodos gracias a un diseño incrustado o anidado concurrente de modelo dominante. Esto significa que se han utilizado tanto métodos cuantitativos como cualitativos, éstos últimos teniendo un papel secundario. Se ha desarrollado un nuevo instrumento de medida en esta investigación (el Cuestionario de Actitudes e Identidad Feminista, CAIF), que nos permite analizar las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la identidad feminista para identificar los obstáculos que impiden la juventud universitaria la comprensión y la adhesión al movimiento, así como también permite captar los elementos facilitadores. De forma paralela a la aplicación del cuestionario a 1.759 estudiantes (logrando una participación representativa del alumnado de la Universidad de Barcelona y la Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya), se han realizado 17 entrevistas a mujeres feministas (académicas, activistas, jóvenes o con trayectoria dentro del movimiento). Estas entrevistas se centran en sus voces y experiencias sobre la relación entre la juventud y el feminismo. La triangulación de los resultados obtenidos a través de los diferentes métodos utilizados señala a esta investigación como una de las más exhaustivas en su campo. Contar con tal número de participantes nos ha permitido estudiar los resultados en función de las ramas académicas del alumnado, obteniendo unos resultados hasta ahora inexistentes. Además, los análisis de datos empleados desde una metodología mixta, nos han permitido conocer el fenómeno desde distintas ópticas, cada una aportando elementos igualmente relevantes. Con los análisis cuantitativos hemos podido detectar qué elementos clave parecen perfilar las actitudes positivas hacia el feminismo y desencadenar una identidad feminista. Las operaciones cualitativas nos han permitido conocer en profundidad el fenómeno e incluso ampliar el conocimiento existente a nivel teórico. Las conclusiones sugieren un décalage entre las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la auto-identificación feminista en la juventud universitaria y se aportan argumentos para su comprensión. También se muestran resultados diferenciales según la rama académica del alumnado. Además, los resultados amplían los perfiles de las tipologías de identificación feminista existentes a nivel teórico hasta la fecha. Estos hallazgos pueden ayudar a desbloquear un debate, de hace más de veinte años, que parece estar estancado. Finalmente, los resultados obtenidos se traducen en propuestas de actuación para poder mejorar el imaginario social que la juventud comparte del feminismo, y quizá fomentar el desarrollo de una identidad feminista, sumando apoyos para una transformación social con mirada feminista. ; [eng] The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the relationship between undergraduate people and the feminist movement. The feminist agenda is fundamental in articulating a democratic society grounded in a citizenship committed to social justice. As the Spanish philosopher Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) states, "a democracy, when it works, is feminist," and we may concur that although feminism has been one of the engines of democratic development, our democracies are not currently feminist. Numerous studies and international publications show that, generally, young people educated in democratic societies show no commitment to the feminist movement (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker, & Bay-Cheng, 2012; amongst others). In order to capture all these perceptions in our context a new instrument has been developed in this research, allowing us to analyse the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity to identify the obstacles or impediments that prevent young university students from understanding and acceding to the women's movement. This new questionnaire is based in two different domains: the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity in college students. Methodologically wise this research is based on the complementarity of methods (concurrent nested design), and parallel to the 1.759 participants of the questionnaires (representative of the students of the University of Barcelona and the Polytechnic University of Catalonia), a set of 17 interviews had been done to feminist women. These interviews are focused on young and adult feminists' voices and experiences around the relationship between youth and feminism. Triangulation of the used methods will set this research as one of the most exhaustive in the field. This thesis' findings offer a new conceptual framework for a better understanding the different factors that shape the relationship between college youth and the feminist movement, allowing the possibility to capture which are the elements that prevent the youth's support to feminism and their level of identification with the movement.

Abstract: This Article examines the desirability of the universal recognition of the right of public access to legal information as a human right and therefore as part of a legal framework for improving national and global access to legal information. It discusses the right of public access to legal information as a legal right and the importance of its international human rights framework. The Article argues that every person has the right of public access to legal information, which casts a legal and moral duty on every government and every intergovernmental organization (IGO) with judicial and legislative functions to provide adequate and free access to its laws and law-related publications. It argues further that every government can afford the provision of adequate public access to its legal information and that the lack of political will to do so is the preeminent factor responsible for inadequate—and in some cases extremely poor—public access. Additionally, this Article advocates the universal recognition of the right of public access to legal information as a human right and makes a proposal for a UN Convention on the Right of Public Access to Legal Information. It provides the essential contents of the proposed UN Convention which incorporate The Hague Conference Guiding Principles to be Considered in Developing a Future Instrument. These contents provide valuable input for urgent interim national and regional laws and policies on public access to legal information, pending the Convention's entry into force. The proposed UN Convention will significantly enhance global access to official legal information that will promote widespread knowledge of the law. It will also facilitate national and transnational legal research and remedy the chronic injustice from liability under inaccessible laws under the doctrine of "ignorance of the law is no excuse"—which is similar to liability under ex post facto and nonexistent laws—and promote the proposed doctrine of "ignorance of inaccessible law is an excuse." Keywords: Human right of public access to legal information; Public access to law as a human right; United Nations Convention on the Right of Public Access to Legal Information; Ignorance of inaccessible law is an excuse; Huricompatisation: human rights-compliant public access to the customary law of indigenous communities; Ignorance of the law is no excuse; Public access to legislation; Public access to judicial decisions; Public Access to administrative memoranda; Public access to government legal documents;Public access to regional and international legal instruments; Free access to law; Free access to law movement; Legal information institutes Leesi Ebenezer Mitee , HND Town Planning and LLB (Rivers State University, Nigeria); BL (Nigerian Law School, Lagos); LLM (University of Huddersfield, United Kingdom); PhD Candidate, Tilburg University Law School, The Netherlands; Chief Lecturer in Law, Institute of Legal and Global Studies, Port Harcourt Polytechnic, Rivers State, Nigeria; former legal research consultant to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 1998, on a project that provided the juridical foundations for the ECOWAS Declaration of a Moratorium on Importation, Exportation and Manufacture of Light Weapons in West Africa (31 October 1998) which culminated in the ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their Ammunition and other Related Matters 2006. I thank, immensely, the following persons for their most valuable insightful comments on the draft of this Article: Prof. Dr. Ernst M. H. Hirsch Ballin, Tilburg University and University of Amsterdam / Asser Institute, The Netherlands; and Dr. Sofia Ranchordás, Assistant Professor of Constitutional and Administrative Law at Leiden Law School, The Netherlands, and Affiliated Fellow of the Yale Information Society Project, United States. Any error is mine. Email: leesimitee@gmail.com . The Human Right of Free Access to Public Legal Information Advocacy Website: https://publiclegalinformation.com

This dissertation is an ethnographic investigation of experimental forms of political practice among Nigerian university students. With limited avenues for participation in Nigeria's turbulent democracy, students imagine the campus and its urban environs as "political training grounds" which offer opportunities for political leadership—and aspirations to this effect—that are only newly available in the post-military era after the civilian transition in 1999. I analyze the ways in which this notion of higher education as a political training ground was experienced during a critical turning point in Nigerian politics when both constitutional democracy and student unionism activities were experiencing revitalization after many years' absence. I argue that the emergence of the "politician" as a professional identity among university students is specific to the post-military era, when politics became a legitimate and particularly lucrative "profession," after students had for generations acted as agitators against the state through student activism. The reinterpretation of the purposes of higher education indexes the ways in which "precariousness" has come to define the experiences of young Nigerians: students view schooling as a time for gaining non-academic experience because earning educational credentials no longer guarantees economic mobility or full social participation. Based on over three years of ethnographic fieldwork, over one hundred interviews, and focus group discussions between 2006-2012 in Ibadan, Nigeria's third largest city and a key site for educational development, political administration, and urban mobility, the dissertation is organized into five thematic chapters that capture the most significant elements of campus political activity, as well as the different domains in which students attempt to acquire political experience and influence. I describe the historical relationship between the University of Ibadan and the city of Ibadan, arguing that the evolving relationship between the university and the city points to important transformations in how students understand their roles on campus and as citizens of Nigeria (Chapter One). I analyze important differences in student political cultures across different kinds of educational institutions by broadening my focus to three Ibadan campuses: a private university, a federal university, and a state polytechnic, which signal the ways institutional factors influence the professionalization activities students participate in to develop political identities (Chapter Two). Shifting to the relationships between campus and national politics, I analyze the most critical event of Nigerian politics—elections—with a focus on student and national elections in 2011 (Chapter Three). These events reveal the significant role of apprenticeship within the political system students are trying to gain access to, and the ways students move beyond the campuses to participate in wider political networks, many of which are defined by illicit economic relationships with political "godfathers," who are important power brokers and elders in national politics. I highlight the emerging role of new media technologies in the political activities of young people, which offer spaces free from the authority of elders that dominate other political domains. In particular, I focus on the strategic use of the Facebook social media platform in the formation of political community and a public sphere, which offers students alternative ways of engaging in political discourse and ensuring the transparency of elected student leaders (Chapter Four). The dissertation also analyzes the role of campus and urban protests in student political expression with a discussion of the social movements, Occupy Nigeria and Occupy University of Ibadan in 2012, moments in which student politics transcended the campus to mobilize around broader urban and national questions and which also made deliberate connections to global social movements under the rubric of "occupation" (Chapter Five). In contrast to the focus of much of the existing literature on African universities as sites merely for reproducing privilege, or failed institutions that no longer guarantee social mobility, this work shows that higher educational institutions in Nigeria are more than institutional enclaves: they are key nodes within urban landscapes and the national political arena, in which students develop ideas about, and modes of practicing, future citizenship and political engagements. This move pushes scholars of politics and youth in Africa, and elsewhere, to consider the critical role of universities in the politicization of youth and nascent processes of democratization and other forms of political transformation in countries like Nigeria, whose post-colonial identity has been defined by the existence of military rule.