The aim of the research in this MA by Research thesis has been to shed light on the development of the notion of "management" and its associated "sociometrics" at UK universities. The research looked at the transformation of university operating strategies in England and Wales, with the objective of capturing the various managerial movements from a traditional collegial administrative operating system to a more diverse entrepreneurial model more aligned with contemporary corporate management beliefs. 8 diverse universities were selected for the case-study to provide "colour and contrast" – namely, Oxford and Cambridge as "Ancient" universities, Cardiff and Royal Holloway as "19th Century-Founded" universities, Birmingham to cover the "Red Brick" category, Lancaster to spotlight the so-called "Plate-Glass" universities, Hertfordshire to embrace the "Post-Polytechnic" universities and Open University to include the "E-University" category. The methodology utilized was a triangulated middle-ground approach to examine qualitatively and quantitatively the universities websites, strategic documents, government committee reports, regulations and financial performance information that reflected surplus/deficit results as outcomes for the targeted group. The lessons learned from this investigation showed that these universities modus operandi and performance reflected an ongoing trend of transformation imposed by continuous government regulatory change requirements on the one hand, and most likely also, the changing sector climate in the higher education community in England and Wales. The findings from the research indicate that scholastic writings and the literature have extensively chronicled the movement from 'collegial' administration to academic entrepreneurialism. However, it appears to be an open question as to whether a common corporate strategic wording language had emerged by 2002: though it had basically, by 2012. In both 2002 and 2012 a recognizable core of sociometric wording language was discernible. And finally some slender evidence was uncovered that indicates where substantial effort was put out by the universities in strategic planning, better financial results accrued. Significant contributions to overall knowledge have been uncovered as a result of this thesis research. The movement by UK universities from 'academic collegial administration' to academic entrepreneurialism' has been verified by multiple academic writings. UK universities have developed a measurable increase in the use of common 'strategic sociometric wording' and a greatly increased the use of strategic management and corporatised-wording in their published literature. And lastly, some modest evidence supports a finding that better financial results do appear to have emanated where considerable strategic planning effort was put out.
Стаття присвячена 25-річчю Народного Руху України за перебудову. Показано протиборство ініціаторів створення цієї першої опозиційної громадсько-політичної організації тоталітарному комуністичному режиму в столиці України і на місцях. Очолили рухівський процес передусім київські письменники та вчені Інституту літератури ім. Т. Г. Шевченка. Попри шалений супротив Компартії в актовому залі Київського політехнічного інституту 8–10 вересня 1989 р. відбувся Установчий з'їзд НРУ. У ньому взяли участь 1109 делегатів, які представляли близько 280 тисяч активних учасників Руху. З'їзд прийняв Статут і Програму Народного Руху України та ще низку актуальних документів. То був перший суттєвий крок у кінці ХХ століття до незалежності України. У 1990 році була прийнята Верховною Радою Декларація про державний суверенітет України, у 1991 році — Акт проголошення незалежності України. У підготовці і прийнятті цих доленосних документів одна з головних заслуг належить НРУ. ; Статья посвящена 25-летию Народного Руха Украины за перестройку. Показано противоборство инициаторов создания этой первой оппозиционной общественно-политической организации тоталитарному коммунистическому режиму в столице Украины и на местах. Возглавили руховский процесс прежде всего киевские писатели и ученые Института литературы им. Т. Г. Шевченко. Несмотря на ожесточенное сопротивление Компартии в актовом зале Киевского политехнического института 8–10 сентября 1989 г. состоялся Учредительный съезд НРУ. В нем приняли участие 1109 делегатов, представлявших около 280 тысяч активных участников Руха. Съезд принял Устав и Программу Народного Руха Украины и еще ряд актуальных документов. Это был первый существенный шаг в конце ХХ века к независимости Украины. В 1990 году была принята Верховной Радой Декларация о государственном суверенитете Украины, в 1991 году — Акт о провозглашении независимости Украины. В подготовке и принятии этих судьбоносных документов одна из главных заслуг принадлежит НРУ. ; This article is devoted to the 25th anniversary of the People's Movement of Ukraine for Perestroika. The author shows confrontation between the initiators of this first oppositional social and political organization and the totalitarian communist regime in the capital of Ukraine and on local levels. The People's Movement was primarily led by Kiev writers and scientists of Shevchenko Institute of Literature. Despite the furious resistance of the Communist Party, the founding congress of the People's Movement of Ukraine was held in the Assembly Hall of the Kiev Polytechnic Institute on 8—10 September in 1989. It was attended by 1109 delegates representing about 280 thousand active participants of the Movement. The congress agreed to the Charter and the Program of the People's Movement of Ukraine and a number of urgent documents. This was the first significant step to the independence of Ukraine in the late twentieth century. The Verkhovna Rada adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine in 1990, and the Act of Declaration of Independence of Ukraine in 1991. The main credit for the preparation and adoption of these crucial documents largely belongs to the People's Movement of Ukraine.
This study evaluates consideration to allow shipments of Argentine fresh lemons into the United States. Besides providing analysis of an on-going and still disputed systems approach, this case was viewed as a relevant test for feasibility of a prototype analytical tool that links economic and risk assessment for SPS measures. Political economy and empirical assessment shows that despite some apparent similarities among systems approach policies, the idiosyncratic nature of SPS issues limits application of a common quantitative method for such policies. Assessment within context of the lemon case reveals important lessons with respect to economic analysis. Scientific debate is likely to be more contentious and sustained in cases where the political stakes are greater, thus a priori economic evaluation is likely to be the most limited in those cases where it could prove the most valuable. Results highlight transitions in the political reality of WTO SPS agreement applications. Movement away from specificity in risk assessment limits common understanding and further assessment of regulatory policies. The dynamics of the lemon case shifted attention to credibility of domestic, as well as foreign, institutions. Confidence between regulatory agencies is important, but does not compensate for public trust. ; This report was prepared for USDA, Economics Research Service, Program of Research on the Economics of Invasive Species Management (PREISM) through a grant provided to Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (research grant 43-3AEM-3-80087) with subcontracts to Michigan State University and Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation (PIRE). We thank ERS for financial support.
[EN] This PhD Thesis has been divided into four chapters. The first two have been dedicated to the socio-cultural context that surrounded the designer during his brief career, while the last two have been earmarked for the biographical presentation and projective analysis of Pedro Miralles Claver. The first chapter aims to place the reader in the context of the 80s, through the study and analysis of the social environment in the decade, divided into four conceptual frameworks such as political, economic, social and cultural. A period of incessant changes at all levels, among which we have made special mention of the so-called Movida Madrileña, because it was an important socio-cultural movement that had an important influence on the life and work of the designer under investigation. We have also considered relevant the inclusion of a chapter in which we developed a brief review of the history of design, both nationally and internationally. Areas where it has been highlighted the work of its leading designers and architects from the 70s to the 80s, while we do special emphasis on the different developed aesthetic styles in each period and its corresponding influence in the context artistic each territory. All these aspects, which we understand necessary to understand the cultural environment that preceded and then surrounded Pedro Miralles during the creative process of each of their projects. Then it connects with the third chapter, which is exclusively dedicated to the biography and career of the designer, and it has been presented divided into two main blocks. On the one hand, we move into the personal life of Pedro Miralles. Since her childhood, in which aspects such as some children's achievements and high school grades, and several anecdotes that occurred during his freshman year at the Polytechnic University of Valencia are included. Year to which followed his move to Madrid to complete his degree in architecture, and some of the resulting experiences of the designer during the boom cultural, mentioned ...
Julio López Rendueles was part of the group of Spanish exiles who joined the rising University of Oriente, and contributed decisively to the development of this center of high studies and to the revolutionary struggle that was taking place in the nation led by Movement 26 of July. This work shows that, before arriving in Cuba, Professor López Rendueles was a prestigious intellectual and a prominent communist militant, defender of the Spanish Republic. After the triumph of the Revolution he moved to Havana, where he continued to collaborate with the Revolutionary Armed Forces in the creation of Camilo Cienfuegos Military Schools and with the Ministry of Education in the organization of polytechnic teaching and in writing books for the teaching of chemistry, physics and mathematics. ; Julio López Rendueles formó parte del grupo de exiliados españoles que se integraron al claustro de profesores de la naciente Universidad de Oriente, y contribuyeron decisivamente al desarrollo de este centro de altos estudios y a la lucha revolucionaria que se desarrollaba en la nación dirigida por el Movimiento 26 de Julio. Este trabajo demuestra que, antes de llegar a Cuba, el profesor López Rendueles era ya un prestigioso intelectual y un destacado militante comunista, defensor de la República Española. Después del triunfo de la Revolución se trasladó a La Habana, desde donde continuó colaborando con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias en la creación de las Escuelas Militares Camilo Cienfuegos, y con el Ministerio de Educación en la organización de la enseñanza politécnica y en la redacción de textos escolares para la enseñanza de la química, la física y la matemática.
This paper presents a new fitness to drive and driving ability assessment procedure developed by theUniversity Polytechnic of Valencia (Spain) for evaluating severely drivers with impairments whocannot drive a motor vehicle with standard car control adaptations. The objective of this newassessment approach was based on performing a series of practical tests divided into two main phases. The first phase of the assessment utilize a simulator that allows a safe measurement of all thenecessary parameters needed to determine the residual capacities (e.g. forces, torques, displacements,reaction time, etc.) of the driver that can be used for driving a joystick controlled vehicle. Furthermore,driving maneuvers are performed in a controlled way to determine required movement coordination,response times, etc. The SERCO simulator was designed and developed for this purpose as a modular,portable and adaptive experimental tool that allows assessing driver candidates with or without leavingtheir wheelchair using all types of technical aids including joystick controls. The result of this firstassessment phase determines the more appropriate joystick device and space location as a function ofthe driver needs. The second phase of the assessment procedure includes a series of driving ability tests on a closedcircuit. From the information obtained during the assessment in the simulator, the most suitable typeof joystick device is determined for driving safely and the restraint system needed both by the user andthe wheelchair. At this stage it will also be possible to assess the accessibility requirements needed forthe adapted vehicle. Moreover, at this stage a battery of practical tests is performed in a closed circuitwith the vehicle in motion, which follows the recommendations and requirements defined by the EUcurrent legislation for obtaining a driving license (EC, 2006), reproducing vehicle maneuvers as closeto reality as possible. As a result of the described procedure it is possible to ensure that the driver is able to fulfill theminimum requirements for obtaining a driving license. Furthermore, it is possible to determinerequired driving restrictions or limitations, corrective conditions and coding of adaptations accordingto EU legislation.
Bruce Curtis, PhD, FRHistS, FRSC, is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada. Among his recent contributions to the field of educational historiography are "Priority, politics and pedagogical science. Part I: the mental steam-engine" and "Priority, politics and pedagogical science. Part II: the priority dispute and a standard model of pedagogy," both in Paedagogica Historica 52, no. 6 (2016), and Ruling by Schooling Quebec: Conquest to Liberal Governmentality. A Historical Sociology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012). Détentrice d'un doctorat en histoire, Andrée Dufour a enseigné au cégep et à l'université pendant plus de vingt ans. Outre de nombreux articles sur l'histoire de l'éducation au Québec, on lui doit les ouvrages, Tous à l'école, Histoire de l'éducation au Québec et avec M. Dumont, Brève histoire des institutrices au Québec de la Nouvelle-France à nos jours. Maintenant retraitée, elle assume la codirection de l'Atlas historique, l'École au Québec qui paraîtra prochainement aux Presses de l'Université Laval. James Miles is a PhD Candidate at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto. His doctoral research examines the relationship between history education and campaigns to redress historical injustices in Canada, and is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Gerald Thomson, PhD, now retired, has worked as a special education teacher (Surrey School District #36), sessional lecturer in history of education in British Columbia (UBC Educational Studies), and professor of history of British Columbia (Kwantlen Polytechnic University History Faculty). He worked several summers at Woodlands School for special needs children and several years in Crease Clinic at Riverview Mental Hospital (formerly Essondale) on the nursing staff. Dr. Thomson has published numerous articles on the history of special education, the testing movement and mental hygiene in British Columbia in HSE-RHÉ, BC Studies, and BC History Magazine. He welcomes feedback and can be contacted at: gerald.t@telus.net. ; Bruce Curtis, PhD, FRHistS, FRSC, is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Carleton University in Ottawa, Canada. Among his recent contributions to the field of educational historiography are "Priority, politics and pedagogical science. Part I: the mental steam-engine" and "Priority, politics and pedagogical science. Part II: the priority dispute and a standard model of pedagogy," both in Paedagogica Historica 52, no. 6 (2016), and Ruling by Schooling Quebec: Conquest to Liberal Governmentality. A Historical Sociology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012). Détentrice d'un doctorat en histoire, Andrée Dufour a enseigné au cégep et à l'université pendant plus de vingt ans. Outre de nombreux articles sur l'histoire de l'éducation au Québec, on lui doit les ouvrages, Tous à l'école, Histoire de l'éducation au Québec et avec M. Dumont, Brève histoire des institutrices au Québec de la Nouvelle-France à nos jours. Maintenant retraitée, elle assume la codirection de l'Atlas historique, l'École au Québec qui paraîtra prochainement aux Presses de l'Université Laval. James Miles is a PhD Candidate at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto. His doctoral research examines the relationship between history education and campaigns to redress historical injustices in Canada, and is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Gerald Thomson, PhD, now retired, has worked as a special education teacher (Surrey School District #36), sessional lecturer in history of education in British Columbia (UBC Educational Studies), and professor of history of British Columbia (Kwantlen Polytechnic University History Faculty). He worked several summers at Woodlands School for special needs children and several years in Crease Clinic at Riverview Mental Hospital (formerly Essondale) on the nursing staff. Dr. Thomson has published numerous articles on the history of special education, the testing movement and mental hygiene in British Columbia in HSE-RHÉ, BC Studies, and BC History Magazine. He welcomes feedback and can be contacted at: gerald.t@telus.net.
This dissertation is an ethnographic investigation of experimental forms of political practice among Nigerian university students. With limited avenues for participation in Nigeria's turbulent democracy, students imagine the campus and its urban environs as "political training grounds" which offer opportunities for political leadership—and aspirations to this effect—that are only newly available in the post-military era after the civilian transition in 1999. I analyze the ways in which this notion of higher education as a political training ground was experienced during a critical turning point in Nigerian politics when both constitutional democracy and student unionism activities were experiencing revitalization after many years' absence. I argue that the emergence of the "politician" as a professional identity among university students is specific to the post-military era, when politics became a legitimate and particularly lucrative "profession," after students had for generations acted as agitators against the state through student activism. The reinterpretation of the purposes of higher education indexes the ways in which "precariousness" has come to define the experiences of young Nigerians: students view schooling as a time for gaining non-academic experience because earning educational credentials no longer guarantees economic mobility or full social participation. Based on over three years of ethnographic fieldwork, over one hundred interviews, and focus group discussions between 2006-2012 in Ibadan, Nigeria's third largest city and a key site for educational development, political administration, and urban mobility, the dissertation is organized into five thematic chapters that capture the most significant elements of campus political activity, as well as the different domains in which students attempt to acquire political experience and influence. I describe the historical relationship between the University of Ibadan and the city of Ibadan, arguing that the evolving relationship between the university and the city points to important transformations in how students understand their roles on campus and as citizens of Nigeria (Chapter One). I analyze important differences in student political cultures across different kinds of educational institutions by broadening my focus to three Ibadan campuses: a private university, a federal university, and a state polytechnic, which signal the ways institutional factors influence the professionalization activities students participate in to develop political identities (Chapter Two). Shifting to the relationships between campus and national politics, I analyze the most critical event of Nigerian politics—elections—with a focus on student and national elections in 2011 (Chapter Three). These events reveal the significant role of apprenticeship within the political system students are trying to gain access to, and the ways students move beyond the campuses to participate in wider political networks, many of which are defined by illicit economic relationships with political "godfathers," who are important power brokers and elders in national politics. I highlight the emerging role of new media technologies in the political activities of young people, which offer spaces free from the authority of elders that dominate other political domains. In particular, I focus on the strategic use of the Facebook social media platform in the formation of political community and a public sphere, which offers students alternative ways of engaging in political discourse and ensuring the transparency of elected student leaders (Chapter Four). The dissertation also analyzes the role of campus and urban protests in student political expression with a discussion of the social movements, Occupy Nigeria and Occupy University of Ibadan in 2012, moments in which student politics transcended the campus to mobilize around broader urban and national questions and which also made deliberate connections to global social movements under the rubric of "occupation" (Chapter Five). In contrast to the focus of much of the existing literature on African universities as sites merely for reproducing privilege, or failed institutions that no longer guarantee social mobility, this work shows that higher educational institutions in Nigeria are more than institutional enclaves: they are key nodes within urban landscapes and the national political arena, in which students develop ideas about, and modes of practicing, future citizenship and political engagements. This move pushes scholars of politics and youth in Africa, and elsewhere, to consider the critical role of universities in the politicization of youth and nascent processes of democratization and other forms of political transformation in countries like Nigeria, whose post-colonial identity has been defined by the existence of military rule.
In: Mitee , L E 2017 , ' The right of public access to legal information : A proposal for its universal recognition as a human right ' , German Law Journal , vol. 18 , no. 6 , pp. 1429-1496 . https://doi.org/10.1017/S2071832200022392
Abstract: This Article examines the desirability of the universal recognition of the right of public access to legal information as a human right and therefore as part of a legal framework for improving national and global access to legal information. It discusses the right of public access to legal information as a legal right and the importance of its international human rights framework. The Article argues that every person has the right of public access to legal information, which casts a legal and moral duty on every government and every intergovernmental organization (IGO) with judicial and legislative functions to provide adequate and free access to its laws and law-related publications. It argues further that every government can afford the provision of adequate public access to its legal information and that the lack of political will to do so is the preeminent factor responsible for inadequate—and in some cases extremely poor—public access. Additionally, this Article advocates the universal recognition of the right of public access to legal information as a human right and makes a proposal for a UN Convention on the Right of Public Access to Legal Information. It provides the essential contents of the proposed UN Convention which incorporate The Hague Conference Guiding Principles to be Considered in Developing a Future Instrument. These contents provide valuable input for urgent interim national and regional laws and policies on public access to legal information, pending the Convention's entry into force. The proposed UN Convention will significantly enhance global access to official legal information that will promote widespread knowledge of the law. It will also facilitate national and transnational legal research and remedy the chronic injustice from liability under inaccessible laws under the doctrine of "ignorance of the law is no excuse"—which is similar to liability under ex post facto and nonexistent laws—and promote the proposed doctrine of "ignorance of inaccessible law is an excuse." Keywords: Human right of public access to legal information; Public access to law as a human right; United Nations Convention on the Right of Public Access to Legal Information; Ignorance of inaccessible law is an excuse; Huricompatisation: human rights-compliant public access to the customary law of indigenous communities; Ignorance of the law is no excuse; Public access to legislation; Public access to judicial decisions; Public Access to administrative memoranda; Public access to government legal documents;Public access to regional and international legal instruments; Free access to law; Free access to law movement; Legal information institutes Leesi Ebenezer Mitee , HND Town Planning and LLB (Rivers State University, Nigeria); BL (Nigerian Law School, Lagos); LLM (University of Huddersfield, United Kingdom); PhD Candidate, Tilburg University Law School, The Netherlands; Chief Lecturer in Law, Institute of Legal and Global Studies, Port Harcourt Polytechnic, Rivers State, Nigeria; former legal research consultant to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 1998, on a project that provided the juridical foundations for the ECOWAS Declaration of a Moratorium on Importation, Exportation and Manufacture of Light Weapons in West Africa (31 October 1998) which culminated in the ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their Ammunition and other Related Matters 2006. I thank, immensely, the following persons for their most valuable insightful comments on the draft of this Article: Prof. Dr. Ernst M. H. Hirsch Ballin, Tilburg University and University of Amsterdam / Asser Institute, The Netherlands; and Dr. Sofia Ranchordás, Assistant Professor of Constitutional and Administrative Law at Leiden Law School, The Netherlands, and Affiliated Fellow of the Yale Information Society Project, United States. Any error is mine. Email: leesimitee@gmail.com . The Human Right of Free Access to Public Legal Information Advocacy Website: https://publiclegalinformation.com
[spa] La finalidad de esta tesis doctoral consiste en entender la relación existente entre el alumnado universitario y el movimiento feminista. La agenda feminista es fundamental en la articulación de una sociedad democrática basada en una ciudadanía comprometida con la justicia social. Como la filósofa española Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) indica, "una democracia, cuando funciona, es feminista", y si bien el feminismo ha sido uno de los motores principales del desarrollo democrático, nuestras democracias no son feministas actualmente. Numerosos estudios y publicaciones internacionales muestran que, en general, la juventud educada en las sociedades democráticas no muestra compromiso con el movimiento feminista (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker & Bay-Cheng, 2012; entre otros). En España, sólo el 5,6% de la juventud dice identificarse con este movimiento (CIS, 2014). Con el objetivo de capturar todas estas percepciones en nuestro contexto, hemos diseñado esta investigación. Metodológicamente este estudio se basa en la complementariedad de métodos gracias a un diseño incrustado o anidado concurrente de modelo dominante. Esto significa que se han utilizado tanto métodos cuantitativos como cualitativos, éstos últimos teniendo un papel secundario. Se ha desarrollado un nuevo instrumento de medida en esta investigación (el Cuestionario de Actitudes e Identidad Feminista, CAIF), que nos permite analizar las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la identidad feminista para identificar los obstáculos que impiden la juventud universitaria la comprensión y la adhesión al movimiento, así como también permite captar los elementos facilitadores. De forma paralela a la aplicación del cuestionario a 1.759 estudiantes (logrando una participación representativa del alumnado de la Universidad de Barcelona y la Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya), se han realizado 17 entrevistas a mujeres feministas (académicas, activistas, jóvenes o con trayectoria dentro del movimiento). Estas entrevistas se centran en sus voces y experiencias sobre la relación entre la juventud y el feminismo. La triangulación de los resultados obtenidos a través de los diferentes métodos utilizados señala a esta investigación como una de las más exhaustivas en su campo. Contar con tal número de participantes nos ha permitido estudiar los resultados en función de las ramas académicas del alumnado, obteniendo unos resultados hasta ahora inexistentes. Además, los análisis de datos empleados desde una metodología mixta, nos han permitido conocer el fenómeno desde distintas ópticas, cada una aportando elementos igualmente relevantes. Con los análisis cuantitativos hemos podido detectar qué elementos clave parecen perfilar las actitudes positivas hacia el feminismo y desencadenar una identidad feminista. Las operaciones cualitativas nos han permitido conocer en profundidad el fenómeno e incluso ampliar el conocimiento existente a nivel teórico. Las conclusiones sugieren un décalage entre las actitudes hacia el feminismo y la auto-identificación feminista en la juventud universitaria y se aportan argumentos para su comprensión. También se muestran resultados diferenciales según la rama académica del alumnado. Además, los resultados amplían los perfiles de las tipologías de identificación feminista existentes a nivel teórico hasta la fecha. Estos hallazgos pueden ayudar a desbloquear un debate, de hace más de veinte años, que parece estar estancado. Finalmente, los resultados obtenidos se traducen en propuestas de actuación para poder mejorar el imaginario social que la juventud comparte del feminismo, y quizá fomentar el desarrollo de una identidad feminista, sumando apoyos para una transformación social con mirada feminista. ; [eng] The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the relationship between undergraduate people and the feminist movement. The feminist agenda is fundamental in articulating a democratic society grounded in a citizenship committed to social justice. As the Spanish philosopher Amelia Valcárcel (2008, p. 75) states, "a democracy, when it works, is feminist," and we may concur that although feminism has been one of the engines of democratic development, our democracies are not currently feminist. Numerous studies and international publications show that, generally, young people educated in democratic societies show no commitment to the feminist movement (Duncan, 2010; Fitz, Zucker, & Bay-Cheng, 2012; amongst others). In order to capture all these perceptions in our context a new instrument has been developed in this research, allowing us to analyse the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity to identify the obstacles or impediments that prevent young university students from understanding and acceding to the women's movement. This new questionnaire is based in two different domains: the attitudes towards feminism and the feminist identity in college students. Methodologically wise this research is based on the complementarity of methods (concurrent nested design), and parallel to the 1.759 participants of the questionnaires (representative of the students of the University of Barcelona and the Polytechnic University of Catalonia), a set of 17 interviews had been done to feminist women. These interviews are focused on young and adult feminists' voices and experiences around the relationship between youth and feminism. Triangulation of the used methods will set this research as one of the most exhaustive in the field. This thesis' findings offer a new conceptual framework for a better understanding the different factors that shape the relationship between college youth and the feminist movement, allowing the possibility to capture which are the elements that prevent the youth's support to feminism and their level of identification with the movement.
The interest in ethical and bioethical topics in society is always present. However, the question arises as to how are ethical and bioethical problems of broad spectrum presented to the public, starting from issues related to health, medicine, technology, genetics, to issues about economy and politics. If ethicalbioethical issues will be addressed in different fields of social life without systematic methodological preparation, we could easily be trapped in ethics and bioethics speeches, which would be presented in a way that suits somebody at a certain point. When talking about educational institutions like College or Polytechnic with medical and health-related study programs, it would certainly be useful to make an analysis about the ethical-bioethical topics and subjects they are offering to students. Recently, there is a high interest of high school graduates in enrolling to professional study programs like Physiotherapy and Nursing. Bioethics is an obligatory subject within the framework of those study programs. However, lecturers of different profiles are chair professors of Bioethics at the aforementioned institutions, starting from physicians, through philosophers, theologians, sociologists, and lawyers. Of course, that is possible because a scientist can deal with various scientific challenges through his career, but it would certainly be important to at least equate syllabi, as well as plans and programs of Bioethics in Physiotherapy and Nursing study program. It is important to note that in Physiotherapy programs, besides subjects from the field of bio-medicine, a significant part of the program is based on the science of movement and especially therapeutic exercises, which point out the need to include the field of kinesiology into the Bioethics plan and program. ; Zanimanje za etičke teme kao i bioetičke teme u društvu uvijek je prisutno. Međutim, postavlja se pitanje na koji način se javnosti prezentiraju etičko i bioetički problemi širokoga spektra počevši od pitanja vezanih uz zdravlje, medicinu, tehniku i tehnologiju, genetiku, pa do pitanja vezanih uz ekonomiju i politiku. Ukoliko se u različitim poljima društvenog života bude o etičkobioetičkim temama govorilo bez sustavne metodološke pripreme, lako se može upasti u zamku govora o etikama i bioetikama, koje će biti prezentirane na način kako to nekom u određenom trenutku bude odgovaralo. Kad govorimo o obrazovnim ustanovama koje se svrstavaju u kategoriju Visoka škola ili Veleučilište, a koje u sebi nose i studijske programe vezane uz medicinu i zdravlje, svakako bi bilo dobro napraviti analizu etičko-bioetičke ponude na navedenim institucijama. U novije vrijeme poseban interes maturanata zaokupljaju studijski programi vezani uz fizioterapiju i sestrinstvo kao stručni studij. Bioetika je u okviru navedenih studijskih programa obavezan predmet. Međutim, bioetiku kao predmet na navedenim učilištima predaju različiti profili predavača, počevši od medicinske struke, preko, filozofa, teologa, sociologa, pa do pravnika. Naravno, da je navedeno moguće, jer se znanstvenik u svom znanstvenom radu može baviti različitim znanstvenim izazovima, ali svakako bi bilo važno barem ujednačiti syllabuse, te planove i programe izvođenja predmeta bioetika u okviru studijskog programa fizioterapija i sestrinstvo. Važno je napomenuti da se u okviru fizioterapije osim predmeta iz polja bio-medicine dosta nastave bazira i na polju kineziologije, te bi se u plan i program bioetike trebalo uvrstiti i navedeno polje.
Voices of Virginia pulls together stories from oral history collections from across decades and archives to create an all-audio source companion for Virginias high school and college students. The "album" is only two hours long, but contains dozens of short oral histories from eyewitnesses to key moments in American history, from the end of the Civil War to the 1980s. The excerpts are downloadable, accessible by smartphone, and accompanied by a transcript. Audio clips are also available on Soundcloud . Youll also find a brief introduction to each narrator, historical context adapted from experts at Encyclopedia Virginia , American Yawp , and Public Domain sources, and helpful classroom tools like discussion questions, activities, and lesson plans that fit into both the Virginia high school and college U.S. History curriculum. By following the larger national story with narratives from across the Commonwealth, Voices of Virginia grounds students in how history guides and is guided by everyday people and their experiences. Voices of Virginia is a winner of the 2020 Mason Multi-Media Award from the Oral History Association. Over twenty archives across Virginia and beyond have generously donated segments, and granted permission for their oral histories to be reproduced and publicly shared under a CC BY NC SA 4.0 license, which ensures that the content remains free to use and re-purpose for all listeners. These archives include: African American Historical Society of Portsmouth Amherst Glebe Arts Response Archives of Appalachia (Eastern Tennessee State University) Cape Charles Rosenwald Initiative Center for Documentary Studies and the David M. Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library (Duke University) Charles City County Richard M. Bowman Center for Local History Chuck Mauro, private collection (Herndon, VA) Clarence Dunnaville (American Civil War Museum) Desegregation of Virginia Education Project (Old Dominion University) Digital Library of Appalachia (Appalachian College Association) Eastern Shore of Virginia Barrier Islands Center Friends of the Rappahannock George Mason University Grayson County Historical Society Greene County Historical Society Mountain Home Center (Bland County Public Schools) Old Dominion University Libraries Special Collections and University Archives Oral History Archives at Columbia (Columbia University) Roanoke Public Library (Southwest Virginia LGBTQ+ History Project) Samuel Proctor Oral History Program (University of Florida) Southern Foodways Alliance (University of Mississippi) This material is aligned to the History and Social Science Standards for Virginia Public Schools - March 2015 . The collection was curated by Jessica Taylor, Ph.D. with Emily Stewart. Feedback regarding this collection is welcome at https://bit.ly/VoicesOfVirginia This work was made possible in part by a grant from University Libraries at Virginia Techs Open Education Initiative . About the editors: Jessica Taylor is the Director of Public History and an Assistant Professor of Early American and Oral History in the History Department at Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University (Virginia Tech) where she has been a faculty member since 2018. Jessica completed her Ph.D. in History at the University of Florida and her undergraduate and master's studies at the College of William and Mary. Her research and work focuses on the history of social change in Virginia and the American South, from the colonial period to the present day. Dr. Taylor collaborates with preservation and historical groups across the South to collect and share oral histories, teaches Public History and Native History classes, and is the author of multiple journal articles about historical memory in the South. Her manuscript, Certaine Boundes: Borders and Movement in the Native Chesapeake , explores the lives of Indians and non-elites in seventeenth-century Virginia. Beyond writing, she works to provide opportunities for and be a better teacher to every kind of student. She is always looking for hands-on experiences and conversations about activism, history, archaeology, preservation, museums, and liberal arts education. Emily Stewart is a student in Virginia Tech's History MA program. She will earn her Master's degree in May, 2020. Emily completed her undergraduate studies at Virginia Tech where she majored in History. Her current research focuses on Virginia educational history in the twentieth century. Her master's thesis focuses on the relationship between standardization and segregation of Virginia public education in the early twentieth century. Throughout her studies at Virginia Tech, Emily has always been interested in oral histories. The Voices of Virginia project presented her with an ideal opportunity to further cultivate her interest in the field of oral and public history. ; Virginia Tech Open Education Initiative Faculty Grant https://guides.lib.vt.edu/oer/grants
Władysław E. Sikorski was born on May 20, 1881 in Tuszów Narodowe near Mielec. He graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic. Until 1918 he was active in the Independence Movement, he was a co-founder of the Polish Legions and the Supreme National Committee. In 1915 he fell into conflict with Józef Piłsudski as to the ways of rebuilding Polish statehood alongside Austro-Hungary and recruitment to the Polish Legions. From October 12, 1918 he served in the Polish Army. During the Polish-Bolshevik war (1919/1920) in the Warsaw battle in August 1920 he successfully commanded the 5th Army. Immediately after the murder of President Narutowicz on December 16, 1922 he was appointed the President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland and Minister of the Interior. In this difficult and dangerous for Poland time, contrary to appearances, it was not the function of Prime Minister but the post of Minister of the Interior that gave Gen. Władysław Sikorski real power and the possibility of direct influence on the internal situation in the country, and especially on its internal security. Gen. Sikorski made personnel changes in the structure of the Ministry, removing the people responsible, as politicians and civil servants, for the December 1922 incidents. He implemented the administrative policy of the Ministry, whose main purpose was to maintain peace and public safety by fighting the political fractions and parties that directly and openly aimed at overthrowing the current political and social order. Much attention was paid by the Minister of the Interior to the affairs of national minorities, especially the Ukrainian and Belarusian ones, as well as to the socio-political situation in the Eastern Borderlands. He prepared a comprehensive policy of the State towards national minorities, the basis of which was the concept of political (state) assimilation. The Cabinet of Gen. W. Sikorski was dismsissed on May 26, 1923, but did not resign until May 28, 1923. In the years 1923–1943 General W. Sikorski served, among others, as the Minister of Military Affairs (1924/1925) and after the defeat of September 1939, in exile (in France and England), he was the Prime Minister of the National Defense and Supreme Commander. He died in a plane crash in Gibraltar on July 4, 1943. ; Władysław E. Sikorski urodził się 20 maja 1881 r. w Tuszowie Narodowym pod Mielcem. Ukończył Politechnikę Lwowską. Do 1918 r. działał w ruchu niepodległościowym, był współtwórcą Legionów Polskich i Naczelnego Komitetu Narodowego. W 1915 r. popadł w konflikt z Józefem Piłsudskim na tle sposobów odbudowy państwowości polskiej u boku Austro-Węgier i werbunku do Legionów Polskich. Od 12 października 1918 r. służył w Wojsku Polskim. W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej (1919–1920) podczas bitwy warszawskiej w sierpniu 1920 r. dowodził z powodzeniem 5 Armią. Po zabójstwie prezydenta Gabriela Narutowicza 16 grudnia 1922 r. jeszcze tego samego dnia powołany został na stanowisko prezesa Rady Ministrów RP i ministra spraw wewnętrznych. W tym trudnym i niebezpiecznym dla Polski czasie, wbrew pozorom, to funkcja nie tyle premiera, co ministra spraw wewnętrznych dawała gen. Władysławowi Sikorskiemu realną władzę i możliwość bezpośredniego oddziaływania na sytuację wewnętrzną w kraju, zwłaszcza na stan jego bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. Generał Sikorski dokonał zmian personalnych w strukturze resortu, usuwając z niego osoby odpowiedzialne politycznie i służbowo za wypadki grudniowe 1922 r. Realizował politykę administracyjną resortu, której głównym celem było utrzymanie spokoju i bezpieczeństwa publicznego poprzez zwalczenie partii i ugrupowań politycznych, które wprost i jawnie zmierzały do obalenia dotychczasowego porządku polityczno-społecznego. Wiele uwagi minister spraw wewnętrznych poświęcał sprawom mniejszości narodowych, zwłaszcza ukraińskiej i białoruskiej, jak też sytuacji społeczno-politycznej na Kresach Wschodnich. Przygotował całościową politykę państwa wobec mniejszości narodowych, której podstawą była koncepcja asymilacji politycznej (państwowej). Gabinet gen. W. Sikorskiego upadł 26 maja 1923 r., a w stanie dymisji działał do 28 maja 1923 r. W latach 1923–1943 gen. W. Sikorski pełnił m.in. funkcję ministra spraw wojskowych (1924–1925), a po klęsce wrześniowej 1939 r. na obczyźnie (we Francji i Anglii) sprawował funkcję premiera Rządu Obrony Narodowej i Naczelnego Wodza. Zginął w katastrofie lotniczej w Gibraltarze 4 lipca 1943 r.
Władysław E. Sikorski was born on May 20, 1881 in Tuszów Narodowe near Mielec. He graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic. Until 1918 he was active in the Independence Movement, he was a co-founder of the Polish Legions and the Supreme National Committee. In 1915 he fell into conflict with Józef Piłsudski as to the ways of rebuilding Polish statehood alongside Austro-Hungary and recruitment to the Polish Legions. From October 12, 1918 he served in the Polish Army. During the Polish-Bolshevik war (1919/1920) in the Warsaw battle in August 1920 he successfully commanded the 5th Army. Immediately after the murder of President Narutowicz on December 16, 1922 he was appointed the President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland and Minister of the Interior. In this difficult and dangerous for Poland time, contrary to appearances, it was not the function of Prime Minister but the post of Minister of the Interior that gave Gen. Władysław Sikorski real power and the possibility of direct influence on the internal situation in the country, and especially on its internal security. Gen. Sikorski made personnel changes in the structure of the Ministry, removing the people responsible, as politicians and civil servants, for the December 1922 incidents. He implemented the administrative policy of the Ministry, whose main purpose was to maintain peace and public safety by fighting the political fractions and parties that directly and openly aimed at overthrowing the current political and social order. Much attention was paid by the Minister of the Interior to the affairs of national minorities, especially the Ukrainian and Belarusian ones, as well as to the socio-political situation in the Eastern Borderlands. He prepared a comprehensive policy of the State towards national minorities, the basis of which was the concept of political (state) assimilation. The Cabinet of Gen. W. Sikorski was dismsissed on May 26, 1923, but did not resign until May 28, 1923. In the years 1923–1943 General W. Sikorski served, among others, as the Minister of Military Affairs (1924/1925) and after the defeat of September 1939, in exile (in France and England), he was the Prime Minister of the National Defense and Supreme Commander. He died in a plane crash in Gibraltar on July 4, 1943. ; Władysław E. Sikorski urodził się 20 maja 1881 r. w Tuszowie Narodowym pod Mielcem. Ukończył Politechnikę Lwowską. Do 1918 r. działał w ruchu niepodległościowym, był współtwórcą Legionów Polskich i Naczelnego Komitetu Narodowego. W 1915 r. popadł w konflikt z Józefem Piłsudskim na tle sposobów odbudowy państwowości polskiej u boku Austro-Węgier i werbunku do Legionów Polskich. Od 12 października 1918 r. służył w Wojsku Polskim. W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej (1919–1920) podczas bitwy warszawskiej w sierpniu 1920 r. dowodził z powodzeniem 5 Armią. Po zabójstwie prezydenta Gabriela Narutowicza 16 grudnia 1922 r. jeszcze tego samego dnia powołany został na stanowisko prezesa Rady Ministrów RP i ministra spraw wewnętrznych. W tym trudnym i niebezpiecznym dla Polski czasie, wbrew pozorom, to funkcja nie tyle premiera, co ministra spraw wewnętrznych dawała gen. Władysławowi Sikorskiemu realną władzę i możliwość bezpośredniego oddziaływania na sytuację wewnętrzną w kraju, zwłaszcza na stan jego bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. Generał Sikorski dokonał zmian personalnych w strukturze resortu, usuwając z niego osoby odpowiedzialne politycznie i służbowo za wypadki grudniowe 1922 r. Realizował politykę administracyjną resortu, której głównym celem było utrzymanie spokoju i bezpieczeństwa publicznego poprzez zwalczenie partii i ugrupowań politycznych, które wprost i jawnie zmierzały do obalenia dotychczasowego porządku polityczno-społecznego. Wiele uwagi minister spraw wewnętrznych poświęcał sprawom mniejszości narodowych, zwłaszcza ukraińskiej i białoruskiej, jak też sytuacji społeczno-politycznej na Kresach Wschodnich. Przygotował całościową politykę państwa wobec mniejszości narodowych, której podstawą była koncepcja asymilacji politycznej (państwowej). Gabinet gen. W. Sikorskiego upadł 26 maja 1923 r., a w stanie dymisji działał do 28 maja 1923 r. W latach 1923–1943 gen. W. Sikorski pełnił m.in. funkcję ministra spraw wojskowych (1924–1925), a po klęsce wrześniowej 1939 r. na obczyźnie (we Francji i Anglii) sprawował funkcję premiera Rządu Obrony Narodowej i Naczelnego Wodza. Zginął w katastrofie lotniczej w Gibraltarze 4 lipca 1943 r.
I Max Bill is an intense giornata of a big fresco. An analysis of the main social, artistic and cultural events throughout the twentieth century is needed in order to trace his career through his masterpieces and architectures. Some of the faces of this hypothetical mural painting are, among others, Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius, Ernesto Nathan Rogers, Kandinskij, Klee, Mondrian, Vatongerloo, Ignazio Silone, while the backcloth is given by artistic avant-gardes, Bauhaus, International Exhibitions, CIAM, war events, reconstruction, Milan Triennali, Venice Biennali, the School of Ulm. Architect, even though more known as painter, sculptor, designer and graphic artist, Max Bill attends the Bauhaus as a student in the years 1927-1929, and from this experience derives the main features of a rational, objective, constructive and non figurative art. His research is devoted to give his art a scientific methodology: each work proceeds from the analysis of a problem to the logical and always verifiable solution of the same problem. By means of composition elements (such as rhythm, seriality, theme and its variation, harmony and dissonance), he faces, with consistent results, themes apparently very distant from each other as the project for the H.f.G. or the design for a font. Mathematics are a constant reference frame as field of certainties, order, objectivity: 'for Bill mathematics are never confined to a simple function: they represent a climate of spiritual certainties, and also the theme of non attempted in its purest state, objectivity of the sign and of the geometrical place, and at the same time restlessness of the infinity: Limited and Unlimited '. In almost sixty years of activity, experiencing all artistic fields, Max Bill works, projects, designs, holds conferences and exhibitions in Europe, Asia and Americas, confronting himself with the most influencing personalities of the twentieth century. In such a vast scenery, the need to limit the investigation field combined with the necessity to address and analyse the unpublished and original aspect of Bill's relations with Italy. The original contribution of the present research regards this particular 'geographic delimitation'; in particular, beyond the deep cultural exchanges between Bill and a series of Milanese architects, most of all with Rogers, two main projects have been addressed: the realtà nuova at Milan Triennale in 1947, and the Contemporary Art Museum in Florence in 1980. It is important to note that these projects have not been previously investigated, and the former never appears in the sources either. These works, together with the most well-known ones, such as the projects for the VI and IX Triennale, and the Swiss pavilion for the Biennale, add important details to the reference frame of the relations which took place between Zurich and Milan. Most of the occasions for exchanges took part in between the Thirties and the Fifties, years during which Bill underwent a significant period of artistic growth. He meets the Swiss progressive architects and the Paris artists from the Abstraction-Création movement, enters the CIAM, collaborates with Le Corbusier to the third volume of his Complete Works, and in Milan he works and gets confronted with the events related to post-war reconstruction. In these years Bill defines his own working methodology, attaining an artistic maturity in his work. The present research investigates the mentioned time period, despite some necessary exceptions. II The official Max Bill bibliography is naturally wide, including spreading works along with ones more devoted to analytical investigation, mainly written in German and often translated into French and English (Max Bill himself published his works in three languages). Few works have been published in Italian and, excluding the catalogue of the Parma exhibition from 1977, they cannot be considered comprehensive. Many publications are exhibition catalogues, some of which include essays written by Max Bill himself, some others bring Bill's comments in a educational-pedagogical approach, to accompany the observer towards a full understanding of the composition processes of his art works. Bill also left a great amount of theoretical speculations to encourage a critical reading of his works in the form of books edited or written by him, and essays published in 'Werk', magazine of the Swiss Werkbund, and other international reviews, among which Domus and Casabella. These three reviews have been important tools of analysis, since they include tracks of some of Max Bill's architectural works. The architectural aspect is less investigated than the plastic and pictorial ones in all the main reference manuals on the subject: Benevolo, Tafuri and Dal Co, Frampton, Allenspach consider Max Bill as an artist proceeding in his work from Bauhaus in the Ulm experience . A first filing of his works was published in 2004 in the monographic issue of the Spanish magazine 2G, together with critical essays by Karin Gimmi, Stanislaus von Moos, Arthur Rüegg and Hans Frei, and in 'Konkrete Architektur?', again by Hans Frei. Moreover, the monographic essay on the Atelier Haus building by Arthur Rüegg from 1997, and the DPA 17 issue of the Catalonia Polytechnic with contributions of Carlos Martì, Bruno Reichlin and Ton Salvadò, the latter publication concentrating on a few Bill's themes and architectures. An urge to studying and going in depth in Max Bill's works was marked in 2008 by the centenary of his birth and by a recent rediscovery of Bill as initiator of the 'minimalist' tradition in Swiss architecture. Bill's heirs are both very active in promoting exhibitions, researching and publishing. Jakob Bill, Max Bill's son and painter himself, recently published a work on Bill's experience in Bauhaus, and earlier on he had published an in-depth study on 'Endless Ribbons' sculptures. Angela Thomas Schmid, Bill's wife and art historian, published in end 2008 the first volume of a biography on Max Bill and, together with the film maker Eric Schmid, produced a documentary film which was also presented at the last Locarno Film Festival. Both biography and documentary concentrate on Max Bill's political involvement, from antifascism and 1968 protest movements to Bill experiences as Zurich Municipality councilman and member of the Swiss Confederation Parliament. In the present research, the bibliography includes also direct sources, such as interviews and original materials in the form of letters correspondence and graphic works together with related essays, kept in the max+binia+jakob bill stiftung archive in Zurich. III The results of the present research are organized into four main chapters, each of them subdivided into four parts. The first chapter concentrates on the research field, reasons, tools and methodologies employed, whereas the second one consists of a short biographical note organized by topics, introducing the subject of the research. The third chapter, which includes unpublished events, traces the historical and cultural frame with particular reference to the relations between Max Bill and the Italian scene, especially Milan and the architects Rogers and Baldessari around the Fifties, searching the themes and the keys for interpretation of Bill's architectures and investigating the critical debate on the reviews and the plastic survey through sculpture. The fourth and last chapter examines four main architectures chosen on a geographical basis, all devoted to exhibition spaces, investigating Max Bill's composition process related to the pictorial field. Paintings has surely been easier and faster to investigate and verify than the building field. A doctoral thesis discussed in Lausanne in 1977 investigating Max Bill's plastic and pictorial works, provided a series of devices which were corrected and adapted for the definition of the interpretation grid for the composition structures of Bill's main architectures. Four different tools are employed in the investigation of each work: a context analysis related to chapter three results; a specific theoretical essay by Max Bill briefly explaining his main theses, even though not directly linked to the very same work of art considered; the interpretation grid for the composition themes derived from a related pictorial work; the architecture drawing and digital three-dimensional model. The double analysis of the architectural and pictorial fields is functional to underlining the relation among the different elements of the composition process; the two fields, however, cannot be compared and they stay, in Max Bill's works as in the present research, interdependent though self-sufficient. IV An important aspect of Max Bill production is self-referentiality: talking of Max Bill, also through Max Bill, as a need for coherence instead of a method limitation. Ernesto Nathan Rogers describes Bill as the last humanist, and his horizon is the known world but, as the 'Concrete Art' of which he is one of the main representatives, his production justifies itself: Max Bill not only found a method, but he autonomously re-wrote the 'rules of the game', derived timeless theoretical principles and verified them through a rich and interdisciplinary artistic production. The most recurrent words in the present research work are synthesis, unity, space and logic. These terms are part of Max Bill's vocabulary and can be referred to his works. Similarly, graphic settings or analytical schemes in this research text referring to or commenting Bill's architectural projects were drawn up keeping in mind the concise precision of his architectural design. As for Mies van der Rohe, it has been written that Max Bill took art to 'zero degree' reaching in this way a high complexity. His works are a synthesis of art: they conceptually encompass all previous and –considered their developments- most of contemporary pictures. Contents and message are generally explicitly declared in the title or in Bill's essays on his artistic works and architectural projects: the beneficiary is invited to go through and re-build the process of synthesis generating the shape. In the course of the interview with the Milan artist Getulio Alviani, he tells how he would not write more than a page for an essay on Josef Albers: everything was already evident 'on the surface' and any additional sentence would be redundant. Two years after that interview, these pages attempt to decompose and single out the elements and processes connected with some of Max Bill's works which, for their own origin, already contain all possible explanations and interpretations. The formal reduction in favour of contents maximization is, perhaps, Max Bill's main lesson.