Suchergebnisse

A DEMOS projekt abból a feltételezésből indul ki, hogy a populizmus a demokratikus berendezkedések működése, illetve az állampolgárok törekvései, igényei és identitásai közötti törés tünete a politikai rendszereken belül. Ennél fogva a DEMOS a demokratikus hatékonyságot vizsgálja, mint a politikai elkötelezettség feltételét, amely szükséges a populizmus megragadásához és megvitatásához. A koncepció attitűd-vonásokat is magában foglal (mint politikai hatékonyság), illetve a politikai készségeket, tudást, és a demokratikus lehetőség-struktúrákat. A populizmus mélyebb megértéséhez a DEMOS eddig kevésbé kutatott területeket vizsgál mikro- mezo- és makroszinteken: a populizmus szocio-pszichológiai gyökereit, a társadalmi szereplők reakcióit, és a populizmus hatását a kormányzásra. A DEMOS nem csupán az államigazgatással foglalkozik, hanem az állampolgárok szempontjaival is: hogyan hat rájuk a populizmus, illetve hogyan reagálnak rá. A projekt középpontjában a politikailag alulreprezentált csoportok állnak, úgy mint fiatalok, nők és bevándorlók. Mivel a populizmusnak számos, társadalmilag beágyazott megjelenési formája van, a DEMOS arra törekszik, hogy összehasonlító elemzéseken keresztül vizsgálja meg a kontextusát, beleértve annak történelmi, kulturális és társadalmi-gazdasági gyökereit.

One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.

The lessons learned from the crisis management of the 2008 Great Recession are due to significant structural differences between the two centers of the world, the United States and the eurozone. This has been the worst and most widespread global economic downturn since the Great Depression. The crisis is over, but it seems that the crisis has long-lasting consequences. In the case of the United States, a monetary, fiscal and political union is realized, which with a single economic policy, operates as a coherent unit, uniting the three areas. GDP is rising, unemployment is at the lowest level since 1969 and government debt is the highest it has ever been which can cause problems in the long run. In the case of the eurozone, we can talk about a monetary union. The crisis has highlighted the structural flaws of the eurozone, because without a unified fiscal policy no effective economic policy can be achieved. The symptoms of the euro area crisis weren't the consequences of the global economic crisis; rather the stalling of the integration process, the lack of real convergence, and the weaknesses of monetary and fiscal policy were the problems that have been brought to the fore and exacerbated by the crisis. I consider the crisis management of the United States to be more successful, in which the single economic policy has played an important role – as long as the eurozone doesn't deepen integration, it will not be able to address vulnerabilities between its countries. For Central Europe to be competitive, it has to have the right economic policies and an independent monetary policy. The postcrisis recovery has taken place, but in order to avoid further crises and to have a faster convergence towards the eurozone, we need targeted steps which could create the opportunities.

This paper aims to give a comprehensive picture of the objectives and perspectives behind the creation of the Central European Initiative (CEI). It also analyzes the role of CEI in the political, economic and social transition in the post-Socialist states. The article studies how CEI helped the integration of the Central European countries to the Western institutions, especially to the European Union (EU). The cooperation was founded in 1989 by Austria, Hungary, Italy, and Yugoslavia. It was unique and special in the era, as it had member states from totally different political and economic blocks. There are more approaches to explain the creation of this cooperation. According to the Liberal one, the founder states wished to create a flexible platform for the cooperation of countries from different blocks. This was also a political initiative to overcome on the divisions of bipolarity and the Cold War. The laid down political objectives in the official documents included the values represented by the European institutions. These values were adopted by the post-Socialist states. At the project level, the initiatives of CEI indirectly contributed to the economic and social transition in these countries. CEI and EU progressively built their close relations, and the support of EU integration became the mission of CEI. If we study the EU accessions in the region, we can state, CEI had a successful and important role in bringing closer the post-Socialist states to the EU.

Jelen írás célja, hogy most, amikor a felsőoktatás és annak átalakulása, átalakítása központi témává vált hazai és európai szinten egyaránt, áttekintést nyújtson a Bologna-folyamatról, kitérve annak előzményeire, kiváltó okaira is. Releváns szakirodalmak és a felsőoktatási miniszterek találkozóin elfogadott nemzetközi dokumentumok segítségével feleleveníti a folyamat főbb állomásait, kiemelve a főbb trendeket, irányvonalakat és prioritásokat. Kitér az Európai Felsőoktatási Térség legjelentősebb felsőoktatási szervezeteire, azok létrejöttére, főbb feladataira, továbbá a folyamat nyomonkövetése érdekében tett erőfeszítésekre, az elért eredményekre, egyes aktuális trendekre, valamint a jövő kihívásaira. = The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the Bologna process, including its antecedents and causes, now that higher education and its transformation has become a central topic at both Hungarian and European levels. It revives the main stages of the process with the help of relevant literature and international documents adopted at the meetings of the Ministers of Higher Education, highlighting the main trends, directions and priorities. It covers the most important higher education organisations in the European Higher Education Area, their establishment, their main tasks, furthermore the efforts made to monitor the process, the results achieved, some current trends and future challenges.

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.