Suchergebnisse

Introduction: Contexts of Gypsy/Roma identity and history -- On the sources of Gypsy/Roma history -- Who (what) is (was) Hungarian or Gypsy/Roma? -- "Comrades, if you have a heart" : the history of the Gypsy issue, 1945-1961 -- The construction and spread of the state socialist system -- Policy and Gypsies -- Modernization and Gypsy communities -- Disciplinary state -- The impossibility of self-organization -- Minority issue -- Discourses on social policy and equality -- "Life goes on" : the Hungarian party-state and assimilation -- Social policy and the Gypsies -- Wage work -- Housing -- Social system -- Education -- Scientific approaches -- Gypsy images -- The transformation of discourse -- Disciplinary power, disciplinary society -- Police and agents -- "Health supervisors" -- The national minority issue -- National movement -- The "ethnic interpretation" of history -- Roma policy after the regime change -- Minority issue -- Prospects for multiculturalism -- Minority (self-)government? -- Divide at Impera : the opportunities and impossibilities of self-organization -- Movement -- National minority culture, national culture -- Questions of equal treatment and equal opportunity -- Anti-discrimination -- Equal opportunity -- Roma programs -- Education -- Employment -- Social policy and the Roma -- Aid -- Segregation -- Disciplinary society -- The transformation of discourses -- Research methods -- Panopticon : Roma policy, 2010-2015 -- The Hungarian National Cooperation System -- The anti-egalitarian character of the system -- Changing minority legislation -- New social policy? -- Violence -- The shift -- Summary: Decades of exclusion

What are our possibilities for removing our virtual presence from just being there for production of signs and meanings? What are the conditions under which we can benefit from the experience of being fully present in our identity on virtual platforms and stay connected with others? Social media seems to be an opportunity for this, but it happens the exact opposite: we just become a sign for our identity. Communicating our fictional selfs and meanings with others, however, gives a presence to this sign of identity. Meaning effects and presence effects (Gumbrecht) are inseparable from each other.

This paper analyses some basic questions and gives a review of literature so further the ways in which media-practices are mapped and the impact of media usage on our identity-constructions, on our relationships with others and on our reflection of the world we live in can be researched in the terms of this project.

Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.

In a series of studies I analyze the past and present of Chinese higher education. The topic may be justified by the fact that up to now no comprehensive study has been published in Hungary about the long way China went along from the darkest years of communism to nowadays' education. In this second paper I summarize the four main phenomena of the reforms after the Mao-era: decentralization, marketization, privatization and internationalization. In the frame of decentralization, the external and internal governance of the universities changed resulting in a power shift from the central level to regional and institutional level. Marketization brought about significant change in the funding of higher education: instead of the state private actors pay for education. Privatization let private actors in the higher education arena, while internationalization means opening up China for foreign institutions and students and letting Chinese students to study abroad. I build my analysis on international literature and statistical data.

"Following the coming into force of the new Social Dialogue Act in 2011, the Romanian collective bargaining system has fundamentally changed due to the restructuring of the levels of collective bargaining and the definition of the representativeness criteria. The collective agreement is the central institution of the collective labour law, the existence or non-existence of it, the content of the agreement being of a real interest for the enforcement of employees' interest. The new regulation significantly weakened the bargaining power of the social partners, which very soon led to a drastic reduction in the number of the concluded collective agreements.
In our study, we try to point out the problematic issues of the Romanian regulation related to the collective agreement, anticipating at the same time the possible new perspectives opened up by the attempt to amend the law."

On his two days campaign trip in the territory between the Danube and River Tisza, Count István Bethlen primarily emphasised the reconstitution of national unity, religious peace and reconciliation among social classes. This political campaign aimed at peacefully revising the Treaty of Trianon. And he thought it well: in order to achieve this goal, it was necessary to conceive political realism, that is, the economic, social and cultural reinforcement of die nation. For example, it was expedient for beginning the land reform, the dissemination of intensive forms of agricultural production and the industrialisation supplementing imports. For the intellectual basis to achieve these goals, Bethlen considered Christian liberalism the most appropriate. As a result of this campaign, the nominees of the United Party won 6 out of the 9 electoral districts. And among these 6 constituencies, 3 were eventually taken by the governing party by an intervention through the civil service. Bethlen and the leaders of the United Party often exploited the state apparatus and the civil service - in many cases illegally - to preserve power positions. Thus even the subsequent successes of the Bethlen consolidation cannot overshadow this fact.

This article considers the relationship between centralised, exogenous institutions and the embedded, endogenous institutions of rural governance in Europe through an examination of the evaluation procedures of the European LEADER programme. LEADER is presented in the literature as progressive in terms of innovation and stakeholder engagement. Yet, while the planning and management of LEADER embraces heterogeneity and participation, programmatic evaluation is centralised and is held at arms length from the delivery organisations. The article reviews previous efforts to improve evaluation in LEADER and considers alternative strategies for evaluation, contrasting LEADER practice with participatory evaluation methodologies in the wider international context. Can evaluation in itself be valuable as a mode of social learn-ing and hence a driver for endogenous development in rural communities in Europe? The article concludes by examining the challenges in producing a hybrid form of evaluation that accommodates both endogenous and exogenous values.

Nowadays, the optimal usage of exhausting natural resources is a serious economic, social and political question. For this reason, in this paper we examine how the optimal sustainable use and allocation of these resources can be achieved in a sustainable way using different game theoretic models. As the proper solution needs the cooperation of national economies, the optimization driven by own interest should be completely changed. In this examination, we use the tools of cooperative game theory to describe ecomomies' strategic behaviour and their interactions. Moreover, we describe different well-known game theoretic solution concepts (e.g. Core, Shaply-value, Nucleolus) with special focus on their required fairness properties. The fairness properties, detailed in this paper, can ensure stable and acceptable allocations for the player at individual and coalitional level as well. Besides the theoretical descriptions, we give some practical example related to games defined on different water supply management problems (e. g. urban water management, irrigation problems, hydro power licensing etc.).

The primary reason behind the choice of topic for the presented research was the fact that the rapid development of information society in the recent years has brought forth a significant increase in the importance of innovation and research and development systems globally. This process has also affected the priorities of the European Union, leading to the adoption of the new objectives of establishing a European Research Area and creating an "innovative union" – for the furthering of these objectives, the Council and the Parliament adopted a regulation in 2013 about the establishment of the "Horizon 2020" framework programme for research and innovation. This study seeks to present a general overview of the concept of the innovative union and a more thorough analysis of the instruments of the Horizon 2020 programme that serve the furtherance of social inclusion, paying particular attention to the "pillar" of tackling societal challenges. A main objective of the research is the examination of whether the biennial work programmes designed for the implementation of the framework are effective in the achievements of the objectives set forth in the field of social inclusion; furthermore, what new solutions the current (2016–2017) work programme proposed to remedy the deficiencies that arose during the runtime of the previous work programme. The fact that the execution of the framework programme is currently underway serves to prove that the choice of topic is relevant to current issues; while the near complete lack of Hungarian – and to a lesser extent, foreign-language – literature in the examined area supports the necessity of research.

There were two significant milestones in the lives of Central and Eastern European countries. One was the political, social and economic change of regime during which the former centralized system was demolished. The other was the accession to the European Union, which provided an opportunity for this macro region for convergence as well as a social, economic and regional cohesion in Europe. Both of them had a significant effect on the development policy of the countries, thus that of Hungary as well. The exclusivity of the top-down policy ceased. Nevertheless, due to the learning of democratic patterns, the lack of balance in political power and the lack of funds a kind of reflection period was characteristic of the development policy the result of which was a kind of mixture of top-down and bottom-up policy. By joining the European Union clear external rules and mechanisms of action came into effect. Significant funds became accessible that strengthened the centralization and the top-down approach in the Hungarian development policy. The regional dimensions of the development endeavours appeared in many different ways in our country, but finally the regional formations that were suitable for serving the top-down development policy strengthened. The individual areas were affected miscellaneously by the regional dimension of the development tendencies. While funds were provided by the European Union for them, the bottom-up initiatives were not sufficiently welcomed. Such an area is in many ways that of Lake Balaton, which is homogeneous as far as tourism is concerned but administratively, thus from the perspective of development policy, it is split. Due to the top-down approach as well as the strengthening of the bureaucratic development policy the role of this area in the development policy is fading. This can later have a negative effect on the valuable, unique character of the region.