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This paper a study political education to meet presidential elections and vice president of the republic of Indonesia of 2019 in fatsun democracy Pancasila and a deliberative.The results show that in fatsun democracy Pancasila and a deliberative, found the practical discursus, formation public opinion and political aspirations the community, and sovereignty the populace as procedural as the owner of and holder sovereignty highest dealt with in constitutional in Indonesia and can control government decisions that was formed through elections.Political education is a means of to understand rights and obligations and the responsibilities of a citizen in our nation and state, besides the responsibility of presidents and vice president of the republic of Indonesia was elected to carry power as the mandate. The responsibility of in education politics it is it is an obligation of a political party, KPU-Bawaslu, and all elements of the community with the aim of an increase in the understanding of the related the vision mission presidential candidates and a vice president been attained by Indonesia in discursus the public which had bought in accordance with idee and aim of the Indonesia state that is to date it has not yet been attained.

politics is a gray area does not know which is right and falsehood. In the political world is not the technical term is "wrong" all the steps that must be "right" and "systematic" does not care whether the way is used hurt or benefit others. In the political world does not know friend or foe whom is eternally eternal interests. In this paper, Abu Ala Maududi is as one of fundamentalist leaders to write his thoughts on women in pakistan political activities that are not consistent in Mawdudi's view. Maududi never support a woman become president by supporting the candidacy of Fatimah Ali Jinnah became President of Pakistan, and on the other hand he states that women should only work in the domestic sector where she should not be working in the public sector, including the President and Parliament. This shows that the political purpose for anyone, including the interests of fundamentalist Mawdudi.

Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a trade agreement that originated Dati Trans Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPSEP) which is a high standard agreement as it seeks to eliminate tax costs for trade in goods, services and agriculture, as well as to build and extend regulations about intellectual property rights issues, foreign investment, and other trade related issues. For the U.S. during the administration of President Barack Obama, TPP is projected as a manifestation of the "Pivot to Asia" policy that can form the foundation for shaping the economic and political architecture of the Asia Pacific region, but in its development, TPP gets many obstacles, Dati the domestic environment of the U.S. and Dati the international environment. That obstacles impacted the U.S. membership status in the TPP during the administration of President Donald Trump. President Donald Trump took a policy opposite to Barrack Obama by withdraws the U.S. membership Dati TPP on 23 January 2017, which marked by the Presidential Memorandum. This paper will analyze the factors that became the background of the U.S. withdrawal Dati the membership of TPP in the era of President Donald Trump. Based on the theory of foreign policy decision making Dati Richard C. Snyder, the authors found three factors that become the background of the policy: the conditions of the U.S. domestic politics, the condition of the U.S. economy and the international context.

The relationship between state agencies basically can not be separated from the system used by the state government itself. Indonesia as a country that adopts a presidential government certainly has a pattern of distribution of power, although theoretically the presidential government system power state agency separate (separation of power), but the relationship between institutions is not a relative. The mechanism of checks and balances of power destribusi state institutions. Before the amendment, the agency is the State Supreme People's Representative Council (DPR), the President, the Supreme Audit Agency CPC, the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA) and the Supreme Court with the vertical power distribution. Following the amendment to the state institutions teridir of the President, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK), the Supreme Court (MA), and the Constitutional Court (MK) with distribution horizontal power - functional. The distribution of power still has a problem among others, the discontinuity in the distribution of state agencies ranging from the overlapping powers of the president in participating deliberating the bill with the House, the confusion related to the division between the authority of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court in the perspective of the state administration, the inconsistency of the parliamentary system that it wants to apply and the lack of authority DPD in parliament. ; The relationship between state agencies basically can not be separated from the system used by the state government itself. Indonesia as a country that adopts a presidential government certainly has a pattern of distribution of power, although theoretically the presidential government system power state agency separate (separation of power), but the relationship between institutions is not a relative. The mechanism of checks and balances of power destribusi state institutions. Before the amendment, the agency is the State Supreme People's Representative Council (DPR), the President, the Supreme Audit Agency CPC, the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA) and the Supreme Court with the vertical power distribution. Following the amendment to the state institutions teridir of the President, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK), the Supreme Court (MA), and the Constitutional Court (MK) with distribution horizontal power - functional. The distribution of power still has a problem among others, the discontinuity in the distribution of state agencies ranging from the overlapping powers of the president in participating deliberating the bill with the House, the confusion related to the division between the authority of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court in the perspective of the state administration, the inconsistency of the parliamentary system that it wants to apply and the lack of authority DPD in parliament.

The relationship between state agencies basically can not be separated from the system used by the state government itself. Indonesia as a country that adopts a presidential government certainly has a pattern of distribution of power, although theoretically the presidential government system power state agency separate (separation of power), but the relationship between institutions is not a relative. The mechanism of checks and balances of power destribusi state institutions. Before the amendment, the agency is the State Supreme People's Representative Council (DPR), the President, the Supreme Audit Agency CPC, the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA) and the Supreme Court with the vertical power distribution. Following the amendment to the state institutions teridir of the President, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK), the Supreme Court (MA), and the Constitutional Court (MK) with distribution horizontal power - functional. The distribution of power still has a problem among others, the discontinuity in the distribution of state agencies ranging from the overlapping powers of the president in participating deliberating the bill with the House, the confusion related to the division between the authority of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court in the perspective of the state administration, the inconsistency of the parliamentary system that it wants to apply and the lack of authority DPD in parliament.

This research is entitled "Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation:. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has unsymmetrical, because of the existence of specific nd special regions, further more in terms of the presedential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems up to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to understand th reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, specific and special regions, and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to build relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal. Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems, By Rio Armanda Agustian. Abstract this research is entitled Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has symmetricity, namely the existence of special and special regions, then if viewed from the presidential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to nderstand the reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, special and special regions and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to built relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal, because the data search is done by reviewing local government law and legislation related., and the data also related to the privilege and specificity of the region. The results of this study is themiddle solution to solve the problem can also be done by direct appointment of the governor by the president, although this is very unpopular and very risky politically, but ifit starts with rational reasons, surely the people in the area will accept, and of course with a low cost as well. The direct appointment is very necessary for the president so that relations with the governor as an extension of president's hand will be stronger. ; This research is entitled "Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation:. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has unsymmetrical, because of the existence of specific nd special regions, further more in terms of the presedential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems up to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to understand th reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, specific and special regions, and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to build relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal. Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems, By Rio Armanda Agustian. Abstract this research is entitled Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has symmetricity, namely the existence of special and special regions, then if viewed from the presidential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to nderstand the reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, special and special regions and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to built relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal, because the data search is done by reviewing local government law and legislation related., and the data also related to the privilege and specificity of the region. The results of this study is themiddle solution to solve the problem can also be done by direct appointment of the governor by the president, although this is very unpopular and very risky politically, but ifit starts with rational reasons, surely the people in the area will accept, and of course with a low cost as well. The direct appointment is very necessary for the president so that relations with the governor as an extension of president's hand will be stronger.

The Amanded of UUD 1945 changed basically the structure and State institutional. the change of the structure State institutional that is, was formed several of the new State institutionals, among them the Yudisial Commission (KY), the Constitutional Court (MK) and the Council of Representative of the Area (DPD). The UUD 1945 amanded unclear defined the State institutional, that is caused the inter-institutional authority dispute . Who right to interpreted the State institutional and what institution that were said as the State institution according to UUD 1945 fourth amanded . The Institution that the Right to interpreted UUD 1945 is the Constitutional Court. The State institutional that were meant in UUD 1945 is People's Consultative Assembly, the People's Representative Council, DPD, President, The ministry of the State , BPK, , DPRD, the Commission of general election (KPU), the Yudisial Commission, , the central bank, Republic of Indonesia Army, Republic of Indonesia State Police, and the Council of President consideration . The constitutional court had the authority to settle of the inter-institutional authority dispute of the country that his authority was given by UUD 1945.

This research is entitled "Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation:. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has unsymmetrical, because of the existence of specific nd special regions, further more in terms of the presedential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems up to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to understand th reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, specific and special regions, and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to build relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal. Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems, By Rio Armanda Agustian. Abstract this research is entitled Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has symmetricity, namely the existence of special and special regions, then if viewed from the presidential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to understand the reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, special and special regions and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to built relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal, because the data search is done by reviewing local government law and legislation related., and the data also related to the privilege and specificity of the region. The results of this study is the middle solution to solve the problem can also be done by direct appointment of the governor by the president, although this is very unpopular and very ...

This study examines the relationship between firm-level political connections and stock price crash risk in Indonesia. It employs the difference-in-difference design to deal with the self-selection bias issue regarding the choice of the firms to become a politically connected firm. We use the sudden resignation of the former President of Indonesia, Suharto, to show that politically connected firms are associated with lower stock price crash risk and that the risk for these politically connected firms increased after Suharto resigned. Furthermore, we found evidence that these negative associations are more pronounced in firms with more complex firm structures.