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Cover title: A record of liberty and freedom through the years since 1776. Our presidents American democracy in action. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The confluence of events at the Naval War College has raised anew questions about our purposes and programs. As this is written, we are developing our logic for the impending Congressional field nearing at the College by a committee chaired by Congressman Ike Ske1ton of Missouri. This Committee will ask us to explain our plans to meet the requirements of the Goldwater-Nichols legislation for increased "jointness."

During the last 25 years, the United States has been the leading actor on the international stage. Responding to direct threats to global and regional peace and stability, American policymakers and military forces have been employed throughout the world to protect our interests and those of our friends and allies

Richard Mouw, president emeritus and professor of faith and public life, discusses civil dialogue with Dr. Labbertson and how Christians with differing political commitments can discuss their views of grace. For more on Dr. Mouw and political civility, click here. ; https://digitalcommons.fuller.edu/exhibit_70thanniversary/1016/thumbnail.jpg

Most military officers like to refer to themselves and to their occupation in terms of "professionalism." They like to consider themselves experts in a field that, according to one definition of professional, demands "advanced study in a specialized field." Indeed, the raison d'etre of the Naval War College is the professional development of of­ficers. This is, as any true professional will recognize, far too narrow a definition although advanced and continuing study throughout one's career is essential to professionalism.

The Naval War College, since the days of Capt. A. T. Mahan, has borne a special responsibility for encouraging creative thought with regard to the strategic and tactical application of maritime power. Today, the requirement for creativity and innovation is especially demanding in view of the new ships, aircraft, weapon systems, and sensors now in the fleet or entering production-all this at a time when the political, economic, and military context in which the U.S. Navy must function is changing with astonishing rapidity.

As the 1975-76 academic year draws to a close, it seems most appropriate to reflect briefly on what the College is, what it does, and where it is going. First of all, the College is today-as it has been since 1884-the Navy's senior institution dedicated to the advanced professional military education of care­fully selected naval officers who spend 10 months here in the company of outstanding colleagues from the other services and from other nations. The College's business, like that of other graduate-level institutions, is teaching and research.

About a year ago I wrote in these pages that before coming co the Naval War College I had heard some criticism of the curriculum's emphasis on the lessons of history to the neglect of preparation for the present. I found, I noted then, that a judicious balance has been struck between both needs. I went on to discuss our recurring themes as they illuminate problems that have historically taxed the genius of our states­men and military men and that need continual resolution in every age. I described the way the study of these themes is integrated into, indeed constitutes almost half of, our 10-month curriculum.

The U.S. Constitution vests the president with "executive power" and provides that "The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy," while it endows Congress with the power "To declare War." These provisions have given rise to two major questions about presidential war powers: first, what should be the president's role in taking the country to war, and, second, what are the president's powers to direct its conduct. Historian Michael Beschloss's new book, "Presidents of War," examines how presidents have responded to each of these questions across two hundred years of U.S. history. The major argument of this book is that presidents have gradually assumed greater power over decisions to go to war – contrary, in his view, to the constitutional founders' vision. Although the book does succeed in offering some new insights into how that accretion of that power occurred, its more original contribution lies in its depictions of how presidents have handled and managed the tasks of waging war. Those responsibilities for the management and supervision in the conduct of America's wars have grown more complex as warfare has evolved – and they, too, look nothing like what the founders expected or might even have imagined. The book also puts an important focus on the continually shifting relationship between war-initiation powers and war-waging powers throughout the course of American history.

El artículo aborda a los cabecillas de los golpes de Estado generados en América Latina en la década del noventa del siglo pasado, los que después de alzarse contra los gobiernos de turno con diversa suerte, por razones coyunturales en sus respectivos países se convirtieron en lideres de movimientos políticos que finalmente les permitieron acceder por la vía electoral a la Presidencia Constitucional de sus Estados: Bánzer, Chávez, Gutiérrez y Fujimori ; This article aboards to the leaders of the breaks of state occurs in Latin American in ninety decade of the last century, who after raised up against the governments of turn with diverse luck, by conjuncture reasons in their respective countries, will become leaders politic movements, that finally allowed access through the election of presidentship constitutional states: Bánzer, Chávez, Gutiérrez y Fujimori

This report provides a higher education guide to tuition, financial aid and other funding for undocumented students. ; Presidents' Alliance on Higher Education and Immigration

AbstractAfter the amendment to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, the Election of President and Vice President was not conducted by the People's Consultative Assembly but voted directly by the people. Amendment to the provision for the election of President and Vice President have invited debate, partly because they are deemed incompatible with Pancasila. This study examines the appropriateness of the presidential and vice-presidential election based on Pancasila. The research method uses normative juridical, using secondary data obtained through literature study and qualitative analysis. The result and discussion of this research are that the implementation of the election of President and Vice President based is in accordance with Pancasila, especially with the fourth principle.Keywords: Democracy, Direct Election, and Pancasila AbstrakSetelah amandemen Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden tidak dilakukan oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat tetapi dilaksanakan langsung oleh rakyat. Amandemen terhadap ketentuan untuk pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden telah mengundang perdebatan, sebagian karena mereka dianggap tidak sesuai dengan Pancasila. Studi ini mengkaji kelayakan ketentuan pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden berdasarkan Pancasila. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi literatur dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil dan pembahasan penelitian ini adalah bahwa pelaksanaan pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden berdasarkan Pancasila sudah sesuai dengan Pancasila, terutama dengan prinsip keempatKata Kunci: Demokrasi, Pemilihan Langsung, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, Pancasila. АннотацияПосле внесения поправки в Конституцию Республики Индонезия 1945 года выборы президента и вице-президента не проводились Народной Консультативной Ассамблеей, а проводились непосредственно всенародными выборами в Индонезии. Поправки к положениям о выборах президента и вице-президента вызвали дебаты, отчасти потому, что они считаются несовместимыми с Панчасилой. В этом исследовании рассматривается соответствие принятия положений о президентских и вице-президентских выборах на основе Панчасилы. Метод исследования – нормативно-юридический, используя вторичные данные, полученные в результате изучения литературы и проанализируемые качественным методом. Результаты и обсуждение этого исследования заключаются в том, что осуществление выборов президента и вице-президента на основе Панчасилы соответствует Панчасиле, особенно четвёртому принципу.Ключевые слова: Демократия, Прямые Выборы, Президент и Вице-Президент, Панчасила.

American public law has no answer to the question of how a court should evaluate the president's assertion of statutory authority. In this Article, I develop an answer by making two arguments. First, the same framework of judicial review should apply to claims of statutory authority made by the president and federal administrative agencies. This argument rejects the position that the president's constitutional powers should shape the question of statutory interpretation presented when the president claims that a statute authorizes his actions. Once statutory review is separated from consideration of the president's constitutional powers, the courts should insist, as they do for agencies, that the president's actions be justified by an identifiable statutory authorization. The statutory president, I suggest, is subject to administrative law. Second, within the framework of judicial review applicable to agencies, the president's claims of statutory authority should receive deference under the rule of Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. The president's accountability, visibility, and the transparency of presidential orders provide strong grounds for applying Chevron deference to the president's assertions of statutory authority. This theory thus emphasizes the role of Congress in defining the boundaries of presidential power, while according deference to the president's interpretations of ambiguities within those boundaries. In this way, it structures the judicial role to demand that political accountability be the basis for political power

The 12th Amdendment to the Constitution requires that candidates for President and Vice President receive a majority of electoral votes to be elected. If no candidate receives a majority, the President is elected by the House of Representatives (which occurred once, in 1825), and the Vice President is elected by the Senate (which also occurred once, in 1837). This process is known as contingent election. This report contains information on the 12th Amendment Constitutional History, previous contingent elections, the 20th Amendment and the Presidential Succession Act of 1947, and related information.

[p. 1] ; column 3 ; 9 col. in. ; President Cleveland grants amnesty to all persons convicted of polygamy who commit to obeying the law in the future.