This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.
When Barack Obama became the "first Black President" of the United States in 2008, researchers examined how his election impacted Americans' views of racial progress. When he was reelected in 2012, the minority status of the president had become less novel. In the present study, we investigated whether perceptions concerning racial progress varied: (1) before and after President Obama's reelection; (2) by whether President Obama was labeled as biracial or Black; and (3) among White and Black individuals. We replicated past findings to demonstrate that after Obama's reelection, White participants reported that our country had made racial progress and decreased their support for equality programs (e.g., affirmative action). Our results also revealed that labeling President Obama as either biracial or Black did not affect views of racial progress. Additionally, Black participants categorized President Obama as Black more than White participants, while White participants categorized President Obama as White more than Black participants. We discuss these results in terms of the impacts of racial beliefs that stem from exposure to a minority leader.
On July 30, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Social Security Amendments of 1965 into law. With his signature he created Medicare and Medicaid, which became two of America's most enduring social programs. The signing ceremony took place in Independence, Missouri, in the presence of former President Harry S. Truman, as if to indicate that what President Truman and other Presidents before him had tried to get done had now been accomplished. Yet, for all of the appearance of continuity, the law that President Johnson approved differed in significant ways from the law that President Franklin D. Roosevelt would have passed in the thirties or President Truman would have signed in the forties. The very idea of national health insurance underwent a major transformation between the beginning of the century and 1965. Even as the passage of Medicare became assured late in 1964 and in 1965, the legislation remained fluid, with important matters related to consumer choice and the basic design of the program in constant flux.
On July 30, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Social Security Amendments of 1965 into law. With his signature he created Medicare and Medicaid, which became two of America's most enduring social programs. The signing ceremony took place in Independence, Missouri, in the presence of former President Harry S. Truman, as if to indicate that what President Truman and other Presidents before him had tried to get done had now been accomplished. Yet, for all of the appearance of continuity, the law that President Johnson approved differed in significant ways from the law that President Franklin D. Roosevelt would have passed in the thirties or President Truman would have signed in the forties. The very idea of national health insurance underwent a major transformation between the beginning of the century and 1965. Even as the passage of Medicare became assured late in 1964 and in 1965, the legislation remained fluid, with important matters related to consumer choice and the basic design of the program in constant flux.
In the qualification work greetings are analyzed as a speech genre of political ritual texts. The structural and semantic features of the New Year's addresses of the Presidents of Ukraine and the United States are studied. Communicative strategies of New Year's greetings of presidents are revealed. It is established that the New Year's greetings of the Ukrainian and American presidents differ in structure, stylistic features, communicative strategies and themes. ; У кваліфікаційній роботі проаналізовано привітання як мовленнєвий жанр політичних ритуальних текстів. Досліджено структурно-семантичніособливості новорічних звернень Президентів України і США. Розкрито комунікативні стратегії новорічних привітань президентів. Встановлено, що новорічні привітання українських та американських президентів відрізняються структурою, стильовими ознаками, комунікативними стратегіями і тематикою.
This study aimed to analyze the judges' considerations in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 16/PUU-XVI/2018 regarding the provisions of Article 245 paragraph (1) of Law Number 2 of 2018, and to analyze the legal consequences of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 16/PUU-XVI/2018 regarding written approval of the President in the examination of members of the House of Representatives suspected of committing a crime. This study used a normative juridical method with a statutory approach. The data sources (the primary and secondary legal materials) were analyzed descriptively qualitatively. The study results showed two judges' considerations regarding the provisions of Article 245 paragraph (1) of Law Number 2 of 2018. First, it was contrary to the principle of equality in law and government. Second, the assumption that the Honorary Court of the Council was an ethical institution with no direct relationship with the criminal justice system. The legal consequences of the Constitutional Court's Decision Number 16/PUU-XVI/2018 regarding the written approval of the President in the examination of members of the House of Representatives were causing legal uncertainty, legal injustice, and abuse of authority that could trigger a politics of retaliation.
Resumen: En este artículo nos proponemos indagar la estrategia que el presidente Roberto M. Ortiz (1938-1942) articuló en tres provincias argentinas (Santa Fe, Mendoza y Corrientes). Suponemos que el Poder Ejecutivo Nacional en su período en actividad desarrolló un proyecto orientado a la apertura electoral y a la democratización política, basado en las intervenciones federales como instrumento privilegiado. Sin embargo, en algunos distritos la democratización adquirió otras modalidades. En estas tres provincias, cuyos gobiernos formaron parte del universo de la Concordancia, y tuvieron administraciones seriamente acusadas de malversación de la voluntad popular, la normalización electoral estuvo limitada –y fue dependiente– al auge y caída del proyecto presidencial. ; Abstract: In this article we propose to research the strategy that president Roberto M. Ortiz (1938-1942) led in three argentinean provinces (Santa Fe, Mendoza y Corrientes). We suppose that the Executive branch developed a democratization and liberal project during his term, in which federal interventions were a critical instrument. However, in some districts these democratization politics acquired other dimensions. In those three provinces, whose governments were part of the Concordancia coalition and were also seriously accused of electoral fraud, the electoral normalization was directly linked to –and depened on- the success and failure of the presidential project.
Modeled on the German Constitutions of 1871 and 1919, Article 40 GG appoints the President of the German Bundestag having householder's rights as well as police power in the building of the Bundestag. In the early days, all duties concerning order and security in the Bundeshaus in Bonn were carried out by officers from the local police departments although it was clear to everyone that those responsibilities would finally have to be assigned to special security staff. In 1950 tasks concerning order in the Bundestag were assigned to the so called "Hausinspektion", later "Hausordnungsdienst" (HOD). A year later the protection of parliament was handed over to a division of the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA). As a result, personnel in the HOD was increased by hiring police officers but it was not until 1960 that those officers formally became part of the Federal Police civil-service law. Calling the department "Hausinspektion" or "Hausordnungsdienst" shows the reluctance to acknowledge its employees as police enforcement authorities. When Rita Sussmuth became President of the Bundestag in 1989, she renamed the department into "Polizei- und Sicherungsdienst" (police and security service). By doing so she finally acknowledged the Bundestag's police enforcement authorities and at the same time showed them her due respect. Adapted from the source document.
Personal account of the July 2, 2000 presidential election in Mexico; views of organizer of the Carter Center's election monitoring mission. PRI, PAN, and other opposition parties, presidential candidates, and voting.
Correspondence of Mr. Francisco R. Cota and Mr. R.M. Hernández, President and Secretary of the Hermosillo Popular Central Club; Mr. Alejandro C. Villaseñor, Manager of the REVISTA SONORA; Dr. Atl (Gerardo Murillo); Mr. Ambrosio G. Quinteros, Mr. J.A. Monreal, and Mr. E. Quijada, President and Secretary of the José María Morelos Liberal Political Club in Altar; Mr. J. Avila, Mr. M. Castañeda, Mr. Francisco E. Félix, and Mr. W. Iberri, from the Liberal Club in Guaymas; Mr. Felizardo Velderrain, Mr. Celso Sierra, Mr. Antonio C. Encinas, Mr. Rafael Mendoza, Mr. Cayetano Apodaca, Mr. Anastasio Barreras, Mr. Jesús S. Salcido, Mr. Juan Bojórquez, Mr. Ramón Ross, and other members from the Liberal Club in Huatabampo; Mr. Alfonso Romandía from the Direct Center of the Sonoran Revolutionary Party; Mr. J. Guadalupe Núñez and Mr. Encarnación Gazcón; Mr. Rufino López, President of the Freedom and Justice Popular Club; Mr. Marcolfo F. Torres, President of the Benito Juárez Club; Mr. Miguel Escalante B., President of the Cumpas Radical Revolutionary Club; Mr. Jesús Estevané, President of the García Morales Club; Mr. Ramón Serrano, President of the "Cuauhtémoc" Political Club; Mr. Antonio M. Coronado, President of the United Miners Club in Pilares; Mr. Manuel R. Valdez, President of the United Workers Club in Naco; Mr. Artidoro Esquer, Police Commissioner; Mr. G. Sisniega and Hno; Mr. Fernando Torreblanca; Mr. Luis Morales and Mr. Gerardo Camou from the General Guadalupe Victoria Democratic Club; concerning the endorsements from clubs, people, and political parties to the candidacy of Gen. Alvaro Obregón. / Correspondencia entre los Srs. Francisco R. Cota y R.M. Hernández, Presidente y Secretario del Club Central Popular Hermosillense; Sr. Alejandro C. Villaseñor, Gerente de la REVISTA SONORA; Dr. Atl (Gerardo Murillo); Srs. Ambrosio G. Quinteros, J.A. Monreal y E. Quijada, Presidente y Secretarios del Club Político Liberal José María Morelos de Nacozari; Srs. Francisco Covarrubias, Juan Serrano y Gustavo R. Félix del Club Liberal de Altar; Srs. J. Avila, M. Castañeda, Francisco E. Félix y W. Iberri del Club Liberal de Guaymas; Srs. Felizardo Velderrain, Celso Sierra, Antonio C. Encinas, Rafael Mendoza, Cayetano Apodaca, Anastasio Barreras, Jesús S. Salcido, Juan Bojórquez, Ramón Ross y demás firmantes del Club Liberal de Huatabampo; Sr. Alfonso Romandía del Centro Director del Partido Revolucionario Sonorense; Srs. J. Guadalupe Núñez y Encarnación Gazcón; Sr. Rufino López, Presidente del Club Popular Libertad y Justicia; Sr. Marcolfo F. Torres, Presidente del Club Benito Juárez; Sr. Miguel Escalante B., Presidente del Club Revolucionario Radical Cumpense; Sr. Jesús Estevané, Presidente del Club García Morales; Sr. Ramón Serrano, Presidente del Club Político "Cuauhtémoc"; Sr. Antonio M. Coronado, Presidente del Club Mineros Unidos de Pilares; Sr. Manuel R. Valdez, Presidente del Club Obreros Unidos de Naco; Sr. Artidoro Esquer, Comisario de Policía; Sr. G. Sisniega y Hno.; Sr. Fernando Torreblanca; Srs. Luis Morales y Gerardo Camou del Club Democrático General Guadalupe Victoria y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, relativa a adhesiones de clubes, personas y partidos políticos a la candidatura del Gral. Alvaro Obregón.
During Barack Obama's first term, the United States' Middle East policy generated a lot of disappointment, especially for the Palestinians. The U.S. President intends to play a more active role in the region, working on issues such as the Iranian nuclear question, civil war in Syria, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He can count on the help of John Kerry, who recently replaced Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)
