Suchergebnisse

Lobbing, inaczej rzecznictwo interesów, stanowi istotny element współczesnej demokracji. Przybierając formę dialogu, traktowany jest jako ogniwo łączące obywateli z ugrupowaniami i instytucjami władzy. Zakłada on konieczność aktywnego uczestnictwa społeczeństwa nie tylko w sprawowaniu, ale także i kontrolowaniu władzy. ; Brussels, the visible symbol of unity in diversity is a "temple" of lobbying. Its functioning institutional structure can be recognized as agora, same as a game field for pressure groups. One sentence describes it perfectly: lobby or not to be - lobitur ergo sum. In ths book, author characterizes the phenomenon at supranational level, discusses concepts of lobbying in terms of their evolution and meaning. Reveals the influence of lobbying to the institutional and decision-making process of the Commission, the European Parliament, the European Council and the Council of the European Union to present complex interactions of lobbying and decision-making sphere. In the context of the legal framework for lobbying activities also analyse the jurisduction of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the aspect of access to documents of the EU institutions. Looking through the prism of economic interests representation, indicates the possibility of effective influence on the legislative process. Important are reflections on the direct and indirect methods and forms of activities of interest groups at the Brussels Forum, as well as litigation strategies and sharing of information using the possibilities offered by the Internet. These are the essential elements to highlight the professional rules of preparing effective lobbying strategies possible to implement at the EU level.

In democratic countries, advocacy organizations and other organized interest groups play an important role in the process of creating public policies and as a consequence, they influence the final shape of the implemented development models. The inclusive decision-making process enables interest groups to fulfill a variety of functions. Interest groups are very important legitimation channel, they provide expert knowledge, and also they are major channel through which citizens can express their opinions to the decision-makers. Through their activities, advocacy organizations may influence specific policies as well as the overall direction of the evolution of the development model. This paper describes and explains the Europeanization process and its pressure on interest groups in Central and Easter Europe, also answering the question to what extent the Europeanization process enables interest groups to access the political process at the state level. Article relies on data from a large-scale survey of organised interests operating in four CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Slovenia and Czech Republic) in three policy sectors i.e. health care, higher education and energy policy. Based on the collected data, a linear regression analysis was performed.

National consolidation of society: theoretical and methodological problems of research. In the article there are considered theoretical and methodological problems of question of national consolidation of modern society. National consolidation is an ethnopolitics, the process that is sent to strengthening ethno national groups that form nation, by the gradual removal of barriers and forming of general values, institutes (political, economic, social, spiritual). It is marked that nations for that peculiar low level of national identity and national consolidation easily become deformed and collapse under act of self-contradictions and by external pressure. The decline of a level of national identity and the reduction of the process of national consolidation, that we can observe in many European states, predefined the globalization processes, height of unintegration moods of separate ethnic minorities, problems of migration

The aim of the study is to present and compare the level of protection of the rights of national minorities in the states created by the break-up of the Soviet Union, along its former western border. The research covered: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. In pursuit of the stated aim, the processes occurring in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, which resulted in migrations and significant ethnic mixing of the population, are presented. In the next step, the population of ethnic minorities in the countries covered by the study is presented. It is indicated who each of the countries in question recognises as belonging to minority groups, as well as who Russia, as heir to the former empire, recognises as minorities living in the territories in question. In the final step, the principles of protection of the rights of national minorities in the respective states were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the freedom to use and teach the language of minority groups. The research showed that the three Baltic States, after regaining their independence, started to rebuild their national identity at the expense of minority rights. However, by doing so, they are now gradually improving their status. The other three states have followed a different path by specifically trying to protect the largest Russian-speaking language group. Growing pressure from Russia seeking to rebuild its imperial position has exposed the flaws in such an arrangement, and Russian-speaking minorities have become a tool of its efforts. As a result, Belarus is on the road to losing its own distinctiveness and reintegrating, Moldova is trying to balance although gradually strengthening its national identity, while Ukraine has abruptly changed its policy since 2014 and is now diligently building its own identity at the expense, however, of minority rights.

The article discusses the origin and development of the ecological movement in Bulgaria in the first period of political transformation, against the background of similar experiences of Balkan countries. In the Balkan reality, the social activity of ecological groups is perceived as an example of the penetration of Western European cultural patterns, but also as an effect of "ecological pressure" resulting from the aspirations of South-Eastern European countries to integrate with European structures. To a small extent, the contemporary ecological sensitivity of the inhabitants of the Balkans refers to earlier experiences, such as those from the first decade of the political transformation. Against this background, the birth of the "indigenous" ecological movement in Bulgaria and its significant participation in the downfall of Todor Zhivkov's regime can be considered an exceptional phenomenon. ; Artykuł omawia powstanie i rozwój ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii w pierwszym okresie transformacji ustrojowej, na tle podobnych doświadczeń państw bałkańskich. W bałkańskich realiach społeczna aktywność ugrupowań ekologicznych jest postrzegana jako przykład przenikania zachodnioeuropejskich wzorców kulturowych, ale także jako efekt "presji ekologicznej" wynikającej z dążenia krajów Europy Południowo-Wschodniej do integracji ze strukturami europejskimi. W niewielkim stopniu współczesna wrażliwość ekologiczna mieszkańców Bałkanów odwołuje się do wcześniejszych doświadczeń, choćby tych z pierwszej dekady transformacji ustrojowej. Na tym tle zjawiskiem za zjawisko wyjątkowe można uznać narodziny "autochtonicznego" ruchu ekologicznego w Bułgarii, a także jego znaczący udział w procesie upadku reżimu Todora Żiwkowa.

With few exceptions the Arab world has made a big progress toward political liberalization in the recent two years. Morocco could be a model to follow for other countries if it sustains current direction of political change. The King Muhammad VI decided to lead important reforms: amendment to the Constitution, separation of the structures of power and independence of the judiciary. In this way, the situation has not led to signifiant outburst of citizen anger and rioting like in a number of Arab states. Political and social reforms were initiated by the King addressing the requests and needs of the society, for example the reform of family code called Mudawwana. Muhammad VI recognized the multicultural roots of Moroccan society, confirmed gender equality and extended the freedom of speech. Yet, these changes did not address the needs of all social groups. Demands for more responsive and accountable government, pressures for economic reforms, and greater pluralism in the shaping of public policy arose in Morocco. Nevertheless, opposition considered these changes insufficient, given the scale of youth unemployment, lack of prospects, failure of woman's rights and crisis of education. In Morocco state legitimacy does not decline because of a particular position of the King, religious legitimacy of power and specific political culture of Moroccan society. According to many analysts, the Kingdom of Morocco did not dismantle the basic structures of power, especially the influential elite institution – machzen.

Artykuł recenzowany / Peer-reviewed article ; With few exceptions the Arab world has made a big progress toward political liberalization in the recent two years. Morocco could be a model to follow for other countries if it sustains current direction of political change. The King Muhammad VI decided to lead important reforms: amendment to the Constitution, separation of the structures of power and independence of the judiciary. In this way, the situation has not led to signifiant outburst of citizen anger and rioting like in a number of Arab states. Political and social reforms were initiated by the King addressing the requests and needs of the society, for example the reform of family code called Mudawwana. Muhammad VI recognized the multicultural roots of Moroccan society, confirmed gender equality and extended the freedom of speech. Yet, these changes did not address the needs of all social groups. Demands for more responsive and accountable government, pressures for economic reforms, and greater pluralism in the shaping of public policy arose in Morocco. Nevertheless, opposition considered these changes insufficient, given the scale of youth unemployment, lack of prospects, failure of woman's rights and crisis of education. In Morocco state legitimacy does not decline because of a particular position of the King, religious legitimacy of power and specific political culture of Moroccan society. According to many analysts, the Kingdom of Morocco did not dismantle the basic structures of power, especially the influential elite institution – machzen.

During the Cold War, the term "captive nations" should be regarded as a figure of speech, but also as a practical expression of the ideological declaration – anti‑communism. Using it, the government and the Congress of the United States expressed their support for the cause of freedom of the countries behind the Iron Curtain, and the American society, including minority groups from Eastern Europe, expressed its solidarity with the people who were deprived the right to decide about their own fate. Was the promotion of the concept of "captive nations" a deliberate action of the U.S. government calculated to emphasize their interest in the fate of the regions from which many citizens of that country originated (response to bottom‑up pressure)? Or maybe it was a way to gain support for their foreign policy and its promotion at home and abroad (a propaganda tool)? What role did the refugees themselves play in these activities? This text is an attempt to assess the impact that they could have on the Congress, and thereby influence the processes shaping American foreign policy (both in terms of public debate, as well as concrete policy proposals). Undoubtedly, the activity of a number of business organizations, associating both U.S. citizens and immigrants from Eastern Europe, contributed to a significant popularization of the concept of "the captive" and the role of the United States as their spokesperson. However, the analysis suggests that the myth of captivity is not linked only to the American anti‑communism. It has been present in the American tradition since colonial times, and since its redefinition after World War II. Until today it is used by the U.S. authorities in order to justify global involvement.

The aim of the article is to analyze how the concept of sovereignty (the main theoretical category of this text) has been conceptualized/criticized/interpreted during the recent Scottish independence debate, which took place in the period preceding the independence referendum of 18 September 2014. This concept is closely related to the categories of independence and sovereign. The pronouncements on sovereignty present in the intellectual output of three groups are discussed: academics; politicians and political activists; and public intellectuals. An analysis of each type of discourse is produced with a concise partial conclusion, which in the final part are synthesized into a general thesis of the article. The majority of the discussed sources had been made public (i.e. published or presented) no earlier than in the Autumn of 2012. Among these sources there are non-fiction books (academic and essays), academic articles and presentations. This analysis has led to the following conclusions: sovereignty is perceived as relevant in the interdependent 21st century world, as states still remain capable (international pressures and cooperation notwithstanding) of shaping their internal and external policies. It is also generally accepted that the holder of sovereignty, especially in the Scottish case, is the Scottish nation. This assumption leads to calls for the reform of the British constitution, reconciling the existence of various sovereign nations in the United Kingdom, with the sovereignty of parliament. Celem badawczym artykułu jest przeanalizowanie, w jaki sposób pojęcie suwerenność (główna kategoria teoretyczna tekstu) było konceptualizowane / krytykowane/ interpretowane podczas niedawnej szkockiej debaty niepodległościowej, trwającej w okresie poprzedzającym referendum z dnia 18 września 2014 roku. Pojęcie to jest ściśle powiązane z kategoriami niepodległość oraz suweren. Analizie poddane zostały wypowiedzi na temat suwerenności sformułowane przez przedstawicieli trzech grup: badaczy, polityków i osób zaangażowanych w politykę oraz liderów opinii. Analiza poszczególnych typów dyskursów została zakończona zwięzłymi wnioskami cząstkowymi, które w części końcowej zostały ujednolicone, przyjmując postać zasadniczej tezy artykułu. Zdecydowana większość wykorzystanych źródeł została upubliczniona (tj. opublikowana lub wygłoszona) nie wcześniej niż jesienią 2012 roku. Wśród nich znajdują się druki zwarte (książki akademickie i eseistyczne), artykuły akademickie oraz teksty wystąpień. Podjęte badania przyniosły następujące wnioski: suwerenność zachowuje swe znaczenie w realiach gęstej globalizacji pierwszych dekad XXI wieku, gdyż państwa wciąż dysponują (niezależnie od konieczności współpracy międzynarodowej czy presji czynników zewnętrznych różnego typu) instrumentami umożliwiającymi kształtowanie ich polityki zewnętrznej i wewnętrznej. Szeroko akceptowane jest także twierdzenie wskazujące, że suwerenem w warunkach szkockich jest szkocki naród. To pociąga za sobą głosy opowiadające się za reformą brytyjskiego ustroju, godzącą zasadę suwerenności parlamentu z suwerennością poszczególnych brytyjskich narodów.