Suchergebnisse

WOS:000362040900008 ; This study puts forth the importance of effects of pressure groups on environmental sustainability. A comprehensive literature review has revealed that there are just case studies in theoretical modelling that attempt to analyze the relation between special interest groups and environmental sustainability. When special interest groups act in an organized manner, they turn into pressure groups. For this reason, pressure groups should have a negative impact on environmental sustainability. According to the results of the first empirical analysis in this field, which was based on the data from 127 countries, there is a negative correlation between the level of environmental sustainability and pressure groups. The negative correlation between the pressure groups and environmental sustainability reaches the most significant level in developed countries. Therefore, we can conclude that as the number of pressure groups increases, the level of environmental sustainability decreases. Consequently, the implementation of policies which are created and applied to raise the level of welfare of today's and future generations depend on developed countries which work without bowing to pressure groups.

Constructing a complete model of the relations between politicians, bureaucrats, interest groups, and voters is not an easy task. Consequently most economic models of government have to do away with some of these relations. One way to simplify matters is the so-called group theory of politics (or "pluralism") which assumes that the influence of interest groups dominates policy-making. In political sciencel, where this line of thinking has been important for a long time, the theory is not very striking, since it isnot always clear that an interest group is anything more than a number of individuals, or firms, who share a common concern, Lg. an interest category. Thus, the theory can be made as empty or innocuous as one wishes In economics, the interest group theory of government is normally much stronger or bolder. The reason for this difference is that economists have been provided by Olson [1963] with a sharp distinction between interestcategories (which he calls latent groups), and mobilized or organized groups. As a consequence o f the rationality of free riding, many interest categories are not organized. At any point in time, (organized) interest groups represent only a subset of interest categories. Consequently, theories, such as the one formulated by Becker (1983) which explain policy-making exclusively by the interplay of groups within this subset (hence which concede no independent influence to voters, who are assumed to be "bought", or to politicians or bureaucrats, who are assumed to be "hired"), are strong theories indeed. (.)

Constructing a complete model of the relations between politicians, bureaucrats, interest groups, and voters is not an easy task. Consequently most economic models of government have to do away with some of these relations. One way to simplify matters is the so-called group theory of politics (or "pluralism") which assumes that the influence of interest groups dominates policy-making. In political sciencel, where this line of thinking has been important for a long time, the theory is not very striking, since it isnot always clear that an interest group is anything more than a number of individuals, or firms, who share a common concern, Lg. an interest category. Thus, the theory can be made as empty or innocuous as one wishes In economics, the interest group theory of government is normally much stronger or bolder. The reason for this difference is that economists have been provided by Olson [1963] with a sharp distinction between interestcategories (which he calls latent groups), and mobilized or organized groups. As a consequence o f the rationality of free riding, many interest categories are not organized. At any point in time, (organized) interest groups represent only a subset of interest categories. Consequently, theories, such as the one formulated by Becker (1983) which explain policy-making exclusively by the interplay of groups within this subset (hence which concede no independent influence to voters, who are assumed to be "bought", or to politicians or bureaucrats, who are assumed to be "hired"), are strong theories indeed. (.)

New Leaders, Parties and Groups: Comparative Tendancies in Local Leadership Fiscal Austerity and Urdan Innovation Conference, Paris, april 1989 ; The paper proposes an analysis of determinants of public expenditures in French cities over 20.000 between 1983 and 1985. Different factors are estimated using bivariate analysis. Environmental determinants are contrasted with political variables including influence of the bureaucracy and pressure groups, and partisan ideology of mayors. Results show that ideology is more influential on short-term changes, while interest groups pressure is more significant on long term policy outputs. Among the latter, business groups seem more influential on local public spendings than services users or municipal employees. Different modes of interests articulation according to mayors partisan affiliation draw different patterns of influence on policies in French cities.

New Leaders, Parties and Groups: Comparative Tendancies in Local Leadership Fiscal Austerity and Urdan Innovation Conference, Paris, april 1989 The paper proposes an analysis of determinants of public expenditures in French cities over 20.000 between 1983 and 1985. Different factors are estimated using bivariate analysis. Environmental determinants are contrasted with political variables including influence of the bureaucracy and pressure groups, and partisan ideology of mayors. Results show that ideology is more influential on short-term changes, while interest groups pressure is more significant on long term policy outputs. Among the latter, business groups seem more influential on local public spendings than services users or municipal employees. Different modes of interests articulation according to mayors partisan affiliation draw different patterns of influence on policies in French cities.

The main aim of this research was to determine the roles of interest and pressure groups in the development of sustainable educational policies in Turkey. To that end, the research was conducted with a qualitative research design. The data were gathered by using a semi-structured interview technique and analyzed with content analysis technique. For this purpose, seven teachers and six school principals determined with a maximum variation sampling technique were interviewed. Results of this research reveal that, in general, interest and pressure groups were classified into three categories as: business and self-interest groups, professional groups and identity groups. When the development of educational policy in Turkey is concerned, it was indicated that especially self-interest groups have some political agendas, and they provide support and work with the government closely in order to realize their political agendas and their own memebers&rsquo ; interests. It was also remarked that these groups are necessary and have influences on the development of sustainable educational policies and leadership. It can be recommended that although interest and pressure groups are essential in the current system, the effects of these groups should be limited for the sake of educational and scientific principles.

In Spain, as in many other countries, the legislative initiative is influenced by several factors, beyond the actual need for criminal protection. Especially some areas are prone to populist dynamics and likely to incorporate the discourses of pressure groups. On the other hand, Spain has assumed some supranational commitments that determine legislative processes, where two situations can be distinguished: obligations that must be transposed into national legislation, and those that serve as a pretext for the national legislator to carry out broader reforms than the ones required by international standards. On the first issue, this research will show that some Spanish criminal policies are based on rather emotional and electoral, than rational arguments. These decisions often focus on the short-term view, thus justifying punitive measures or inaction in certain areas. Regarding the second issue, an exploration of the 30 reforms of the current Spanish Penal Code has been carried out, in order to identify and analyse references to international instruments (conventions, jurisprudence of international courts, European or supranational legislation, and the European Court of Human Rights). ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.

The main aim of this research was to determine the roles of interest and pressure groups in the development of sustainable educational policies in Turkey. To that end, the research was conducted with a qualitative research design. The data were gathered by using a semi-structured interview technique and analyzed with content analysis technique. For this purpose, seven teachers and six school principals determined with a maximum variation sampling technique were interviewed. Results of this research reveal that, in general, interest and pressure groups were classified into three categories as: business and self-interest groups, professional groups and identity groups. When the development of educational policy in Turkey is concerned, it was indicated that especially self-interest groups have some political agendas, and they provide support and work with the government closely in order to realize their political agendas and their own memebers' interests. It was also remarked that these groups are necessary and have influences on the development of sustainable educational policies and leadership. It can be recommended that although interest and pressure groups are essential in the current system, the effects of these groups should be limited for the sake of educational and scientific principles.

This paper describes the fiscal structure of a community as an equilibrium of a non-cooperative game where members of different pressure groups - characterised by conflicting interests - compete to get distributive gains. Their interaction is regulated by a constitution which sets the electoral rules and the institutional framework in which pressure groups' activities take place. We focus on how the equilibrium mix of direct and indirect taxation is determined in a community divided into two groups working in different sectors which we label regular and shadow sectors, respectively. Our main aim is to investigate the relations between the relative scale of the shadow sector, the fiscal equilibrium between direct and indirect taxation, and the constitutional setting. In this respect we show that the constitutional settings in which the main legislative body is chosen through a strictly proportional electoral rule tend to determine a fiscal equilibrium with a greater emphasis on direct taxation and this in turn gives greater incentives to enlarge the shadow sector. The paper provides empirical evidence on 21 OECD countries for the period 1970-90 on the relevance of the features of the electoral mechanisms on the fiscal mix between direct and indirect taxation.

published_or_final_version ; Urban Studies ; Master ; Master of Social Sciences

The study aim to examine the role of pressure groups in guiding decision-makers in Jordan. The study population includes from all Jordanian press political Journalists and political activist. The sample consist of (100) person. The study used a questionnaires related to pressure groups in guiding decision-makers which consist of two variables (Parties, The media).The study found that the degree of the role of pressure groups in guiding decision-makers in Jordan is high also the pressure groups components (Parties, The media) have high mean. The result reveals that it was found that there is no statistically significant differences between the role of pressure groups in guiding decision-makers in Jordan attributed to sex and it was found that there is statistically significant difference attributed to experience. The study recommended to increasing awareness among Jordanian parties about the civilized methods of pressure groups to influence government decision-makers in the political and other fields.

This paper shows how uninformed but rational voters can respond intelligently to political advertising. The paper models a situation where a candidate must rely on a pressure group for financing political advertising. The pressure group uses its power over the purse to influence the position chosen by the candidate. Nevertheless, when uninformed voters use a strategic rule of thumb, pressure-group contributions always move the outcome of the election closer to the median voter. By using such a rule of thumb, when there is advertising, uninformed voters can have the same influence on the election as informed voters.

This paper examines the effects of political pressure groups (lobbies) on the emissions abatement decisions of countries and on the stability of international environmental agreements. We consider two types of lobbies, industry and environmentalists. We determine the influence of lobby-groups on the abatement decisions of countries. This influence affects members of an international environmental agreement as well as outsiders. However, in the case of agreement members, the effects of lobbying are not restricted to the lobby's host-country but spill over to other member countries and have ambiguous effects on the agreement stability.

Purpose: News media in third world countries remained under social, religious, political and military pressure. Developing countries in presence of pressure groups cannot enjoy the fruits of a democratic setup. So, the purpose of study is to explore factors of downsizing in traditional media organizations and their future in wake of pressure groups, which create hindrance in freedom of expression. Design/ Methodology/ Approach: Qualitative approach was employed to explore the causes behind the undesired downsizing. Researchers chosen 15 respondents working on senior positions in different traditional media organization from different stations of Pakistan including Islamabad, Lahore, Multan, Bahawalpur and Karachi based on purposive sampling. Findings: Results revealed the incumbent government changed its stance on freedom of expression and adopted each modus operandi to silence the voices from journalistic corners. The government promoted selective part of freedom of expression by highlighting the anchors speaking in favor of the party. Implications/ Originality/ Value: So, the study concluded traditional media organizations should be reorganized and government should extend its democratic support for protecting freedom of expression. The study recommended the government should remain impartial and provide space to traditional news organizations so that the citizens should be provided with right to know.

published_or_final_version ; Housing Management ; Master ; Master of Housing Management