Kuda nakon ekonomskog imperijalizma?: Sociokulturne strategije racionalnog izbora
In: Politička misao, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 117-136
In: Politička misao, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 117-136
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 93-101
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 98-131
The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate and useful in understanding and maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important and more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems and coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors and the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture and structure are extremely sophisticated and that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" and gradual development. (SOI : PM: S. 131) + The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure and democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analysed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture and structure i.e. within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims - primarily in line with the functional theory of culture - that there is a functional concordance between culture and structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, i.e. that "culture is a structure's way of life", that culture determines the structure) and the contemporary interactional approach (in which - primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" - complex relations among various cultural variables and structural variables are analysed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture and structure
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 145-151
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 235-243
The information technology is increasingly shaping human life. Thanks to it, the quantity of publicly accessible information has been extremely enlarged. There is also a greater number of people who use these information actively, which should make more space for the development of communication culture. However, there are certain problems. The information technology deprives man of many natural ways of communication. In spite of everything, man needs it. Then again, when using the information technology, he should not let himself to be a mere slave, but he should aspire to become the subject - an active agent of the process with all characteristics that make him human. (SOI : PM: S. 243)
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 33, Heft 2-3, S. 42-46
In this text the author elaborates on two central assumptions. The first assumption (based on the comparative survey results from ten postcommunist countries) is that there is a marked positive correlation between the residue of "communist legacy" in people's minds and the electoral success of leftist parties. Since that legacy in Croatia (and Czech Republic) has been weakest, this is going to be an aggravating circumstance for SDP in their struggle for power. The second assumption is that the politics of leftist parties which could come to power is to shuttle between two extremes: the restoration of real socialism in a modified form and the social-democratic model of Sweden or at least Germany. According to the author, the key agents of such politics are "neotraditionalism" and "political capitalism" both inherited from the former system. (SOI : PM: S. 46)
World Affairs Online
In: Politička misao, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 46-63
The maxim that the people is the agent of the constituent power has, since the French revolution, been a universally accepted answer to the issue of the origin and the degree of validity of constitutional law which, as the ultimate norm of a state's legal order has no other higher positive law norm. But that maxim disregards political reality. Neither is it convincing from the point of view of the theory of state. The people is not the subject of activity but onl of reference. The maxim on the constituent power of the people is a democratic myth. As such it is polyvalent: the reinforcement of revolution or its prohibition determine whether the existing constitutional regime is to be overthrown or legitimised. The doctrine of the constituent power of the people is not cognitively rewarding as a theory of legitimation, either, since the effectiveness of a constitution does not depend on its provenance but on the reception it gets here and now from its addressees: state agencies and citizens. (SOI : PM: S. 63)
World Affairs Online
In: Znanstvene osnove dugorocnog drustveno-eknomoskog razvoja Hrvatske
World Affairs Online
The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.
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У овом раду разматраћемо музичка издања Јована Фрајта и Сергија Страхова која су публикована у периоду од 1921. до 1945. (?) године у Београду. Увидом у сачуване делове колекција Фрајтових и Страховљевих издања, уз њихово допуњавање подацима из дневне штампе и периодике, те мемоарске и архивске грађе могуће је да се начини делимична реконструкција поља популарне музике у Југославији која подразумева издвајање значајних композитора, текстописаца и извођача популарних песама из тог периода, као и жанрова и културних утицаја (САД, Немачка, Аустрија, Мађарска, Италија, Француска, СССР итд.). Поређењем тенденција у овој области на простору Југославије са тенденцијама у другим земљама пружа се основ за изношење претпоставки о својствима домаће популарне музичке продукције. Сврха тога је да се укаже на околности настанка аутономне југословенске популарне музичке продукције, као и да се размотри значај овог сегмента у истраживању југословенског друштва и културе тог доба. ; In the existing research of the cultural phenomena in the region of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia not much attention has been devoted to the issue of the expansion of popular music. The reflections on the rise in the interest in musical accomplishments of commercial character in urban centres across Yugoslavia are rare and insufficiently detailed, which is why data on key agents, institutions, creative tendencies and forms of consummation in the field of popular music are missing, as well as the data on their wider circumstances (social, economical, political, etc.). The majority of data is found in memoirs but these data are not adequately systematized and contextualized. The plethora of data is also found in sources like musical editions that have not been researched until now. Namely, in the period after the First World War there were several private music publishers who dedicated a significant part of their collections to the genre of popular music/Schlager music. This is especially relevant for publishing houses of Jovan Frajt and Sergije Strahov, which were stationed in Belgrade, and publishing houses Akord and Albini from Zagreb. The inspection of the preserved pieces of the collections of editions by Frajt and Strahov, which was completed by the data from printed programmes of Radio Belgrade as well as the archive material, it is possible to partly reconstruct the field of popular music in Yugoslavia. This implies singling out important composers, writers and performers of popular songs from that period, as well as the genres and cultural influence (USA, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, France, USSR, etc.). The comparison of tendencies in this field in the region of Yugoslavia with tendencies in other countries provides a basis for making presuppositions concerning the features of domestic popular music production. The purpose of such a procedure is to indicate the circumstances in which an autonomous Yugoslav popular music production emerged in the period between the two World Wars, as well as to consider the significance of this segment in the research of Yugoslav society and culture of that period.
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У овом раду дискутује се o позиционирању кључних друштвено-политичких актера у савременој Србији у контексту прихватања скупа симбола јавног наратива дефинисаног као "европске вредности". На примеру одржавања тзв. "Параде поноса", разматра се однос медија и елита према једном догађају који се перципира као суштински услов за "европске интеграције", али према коме истовремено постоји амбивалентан однос, проистекао из етаблираног традиционалистичког политичког дискурса, који подразумева отпор према прихватању сексуалних различитости. Циљ овог рада је да укаже на комплексну природу идентификовања основних симболичких вредности друштва у савременој Србији, која се испољава, пре свега, у виду хегемонијских борби које се воде на линији промоције конзервативних вредности, насупрот ономе што се доживљава као "опасни" уплив либералних "европских" идеја, попут промоције права сексуалних мањина. У раду се анализирају медијски наративи везани за одржавање "Параде поноса" 2010. и 2014. године, са циљем утврђивања промене наратива у склопу декларисаног "европског пута" Србије, и то, пре свега, кроз деловање и позиционирање кључних актера, од политичких елита до припадника екстремно десних организација и навијачких група. ; This paper discusses the position of the key social and political actors in contemporary Serbia, referring to the broadly accepted concept defined as "European values". The article focuses on the so-called "Belgrade Pride Parade", a highly contested event in the Serbian public, which is at the same time considered as the essential part of the EU accession process. Through the analysis of the media discourses related to the "Pride" events in 2010 and 2014, the paper shows the complex relation between the officially proclaimed politics of "European integration" and still very strong nationalist discourses, inherited from the 1990s. The aim of the article is to analyse the present hegemonic struggles between the political forces defending "traditional", conservative values and the political agents that promote "dangerous", liberal "European" ideas, such as protecting the rights of sexual minorities. The comparative analysis of the media representation of two events in 2010 and 2014 shows the changes in the public narrative. I argue that the violent clashes that occurred in 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade between the police and the members of right wing organisations were mostly the result of the lack of the political will among the Serbian elites, followed by ambivalent media representations, promoting at the same time the necessity of accepting "European values" and justification of violence. On the other hand, the absence of violent events in 2014 shows the will of the state apparatus to secure the "Pride". However, the media reports on the event, as well as the public statements made by Serbian officials, still remain ambivalent towards the very nature of the "Pride", justifying it only by the pressure made by the EU and the protection of constitutional rights. Moreover, the presence of new narratives in the media, discussing the high price of organizing such event, shows the shift in the public discourse from common nationalist arguments to the new, neoliberal rhetoric. This change doesn't indicate the radical shift of the social climate in Serbia from conservative to liberal, but, more likely, establishes Serbia as just one of the many states on the European periphery, operating within wider framework of neoliberal agendas. ; Тема броја – Конфликт и помирење на Балкану (ур. Александар Крел) / Topic of the Issue - Conflict and Reconciliation in the Balkans (ed. Aleksandar Krel)
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